In 2011, Italy celebrated the 150th anniversary of the Italian state. Italy approached its anniversary both with significant achievements and with a burden of problems that have worsened under the conditions of the financial, economic and political crisis. Over the past decades, Italy has made progress. It is one of the most developed countries in the world, an active member of the G8 and other international organizations, an exporter of cars, equipment, and processed products. Italian culture, design, fashion, cuisine are internationally recognized and in demand.
Neapolitan.
In 2013, Giorgio Napolitano became the first re-elected president in Italian history. On April 22, he took the oath. At the end of 2014, he announced that he would resign within a few weeks.
Renzi government active since 22 February 2014 under the chairmanship of Matteo Renzi.
The government was succeeded by the government of Enrico Letta, who resigned on 14 February 2014. President Napolitano instructed Renzi to form a new government on February 17, 2014.
The government includes 16 ministers, of which three are ministers without portfolio; 8 members of the government are women.
internal politics
Italy, in terms of its economic level, occupies an intermediate position between the most economically developed countries and countries with an average level of development of productive forces. c A significant part of Italy's national wealth is in the hands of monopolies, most of which are among the largest concerns in the capitalist world. They dominate the chemical and electrical industries (Montadison), and the automotive industry (FIAT).
The state is the largest entrepreneur in the country. Its positions are especially strong in energy, metallurgy, and shipbuilding. In modern conditions, state intervention in the economy is noticeable. The main purpose of this is to ensure the continuity of the reproduction process. A new important feature of the development of state-monopoly capitalism in Italy was the nationwide long-term programming of the economy, increased monopolization and nationalization of the economy.
foreign policy
The attitude towards Italy's actions in the international arena can most likely be described as meeting the interests of all the country's leading political forces. Globally, Italy stands for a multilateral approach to solving pressing problems of world politics, for UN reform, and expanding the number of non-permanent members of the Security Council. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, according to Italian diplomacy, are also subject to reform, aimed at strengthening the positions of successfully developing countries, primarily India, China and Brazil, in these organizations. Much attention is paid to disarmament problems. Italy supports the idea of “global zero” expressed by President Obama, designed to free humanity from nuclear weapons. Italy considers membership in NATO and the EU as a guarantee of its security, citing the unpredictable modern international situation. In both organizations, she aims to strengthen her position.
relations with Russia.
Italy views Russia as a strategic partner. in 2002, the foundations for cooperation between Russia and the North Atlantic Alliance were laid through the mechanism of the Russia-NATO Council. Since 2010, a new mechanism has been launched to further deepen relations between the two countries. These are meetings of the foreign ministers and defense ministers in the “two plus two” format, which once again confirms the strategic nature of interaction between the two countries.
The basis of Russian-Italian relations is energy cooperation, which, as infrastructure projects developed, began to go beyond the import and export of raw materials.
Today, cooperation between Italy and Russia is developing in the financial, banking and investment fields. There are more than 400 Italian companies in Russia, mainly in the fields of transport and machine tools, construction and furniture, fashion, legal services, agriculture and the food industry.
Today Italy is one of the closest partners of the Russian Federation in Europe. Russia and Italy continue to conduct a political dialogue and actively interact in international organizations and mechanisms. In 2014, mutual visits of political figures were noted, for example, in February 2014, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Italian Republic E. Letta visited Russia to participate in the opening ceremony of the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi. On October 16-17, President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin paid a visit to Italy and held bilateral meetings with the President of the Italian Republic G. Napolitano. Also in the same year, the prime ministers of both countries made visits. “Cross years of tourism in Russia and Italy also took place in 2014.” On September 17-18, a Russian-Italian cultural and tourism forum was held in Milan.
It should be noted that there is a negative connotation in the relationship between the two countries, namely the Ukrainian issue. The introduction of sanctions against Russia could not only spoil the positive dynamics of bilateral cooperation, but also aggravate the difficult economic situation in Italy. The Foreign Minister in the Renzi government, Federica Mogherini, calls for finding a political solution to the Ukrainian crisis. Despite supporting the EU's decision to impose sanctions against Russia, the Italian government believes that today's world does not allow for open confrontation with Russia, and that Russia should not be isolated from Europe.
Chapter /. Foreign policy of the Italian Republic at the present stage: concepts, main directions, features.
§ 1. Formation of Italy’s foreign policy after the end of the Cold War.
§ 2. Main priorities of Italian foreign policy.
Chapter II. Italy's priorities in the field of regional and subregional security: Mediterranean direction, European and international organizations, structures and forums.
§ 1. Foreign policy of Italy within the European Union. Activities of Italy in the Council of 79 Europe.
§ 2. The Mediterranean as a priority of Italian regional policy.
§ 3. Issues of Balkan security in Italian foreign policy (AIIuCEI).
§ 4. Italy and the main security institutions (OSCE, NATO). Italy's activities in the G8.]
Chapter III. Russian vector of Italian foreign policy: results and prospects.
§ 1. Interaction between the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic in the formation of a global and European architecture of security and cooperation. ^
§ 2. Main aspects of Russian-Italian cooperation at the present stage.
Introduction of the dissertation 2006, abstract on political science, Tsykalo, Alla Vitalievna
Over the past 15 years, the foreign policy of the Italian Republic1 has been characterized by a significant increase in the country's international activity, both in Europe and throughout the world as a whole. This happened on the basis of the country’s new foreign policy ideology developed by the Italian authorities, according to which the system of international relations is characterized by the end of the period of strategic uncertainty in the world after the collapse of bipolarism and the transition to a new system of rules of the game in international relations, based on the concept of the main players (in Italian - concept of the “world of protagonists” - Note by A.Ts.). Italy itself is striving to become one of these players who, in the new conditions, have a decisive influence on the course of world development.
Based on this concept, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlined for itself a range of regions and problems in relation to which Italy is called upon to carry out a special mission on behalf of the world community and have special responsibility for their development in the context of globalization. The Italian Foreign Ministry considers such regions to be the Mediterranean, the Balkans, the countries of the Horn of Africa, as well as the countries of Central Europe in the context of the expansion of the European Union (EU). It is very characteristic that at the same time, Italian officials adopted liberalist interpretations of international relations, which was practically not characteristic of them before. If in the previous period Italy’s desire to increase its influence on certain international problems was explained in traditional terms of the concept of national interest, then at this stage the country’s state ideology is increasingly beginning to dominate references to the moral values that Italy is the bearer of and which it must bring and to selected regions of their “special responsibility”.
In the last decade of the 20th century, having intensified its foreign policy both in resolving the crisis in the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and in the Mediterranean region as a whole, Italy sought to enter with full rights into the circle of powers involved in resolving these conflicts, as well as directly participating in the developing process of Euro-Mediterranean integration, which took shape within the framework of the Barcelona process.
The relevance of the work is determined by the following main factors.
Firstly, Italy is a member of the UN, the G8 group of countries, the EU, the OSCE, the Council of Europe, NATO and other international, European and regional organizations, an influential and authoritative player in the world and European arenas. Italy also has a powerful industry and agriculture, is consistently among the top ten world leaders in terms of industrial production, and is constantly expanding investment projects around the world. The country has a highly developed scientific potential, and the achievements of Italian culture, education, tourism and sports are known throughout the world. All this together allows the country to pursue an active foreign policy, put forward major initiatives, influence the course of events in Europe and other regions of the world, and increase the country’s already significant participation in the activities of international organizations.
Thus, the study, analysis and generalization of the theory and practice of this country’s foreign policy are fundamentally important - they contribute to the understanding and taking into account in the practical activities of Italy two important points that are key to international politics:
Trends in EU and NATO policies (Italy is one of the countries
2 At the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st centuries. Italy ranked 7th-8th in the world in terms of industrial production, and was among the second ten leading countries in terms of GNP per capita. The volume of Italian investments abroad in 2002 amounted to 7.4 billion euros (according to 2005 data, over 15 years the volume of Italian investments in Russia amounted to more than 1 billion US dollars). Wanderer. Electronic directory of countries of the world. See on the website: http://www.euro-resident.ru/news/151.html and others forming the “old core” of the EU and NATO, and its role in this group of countries is significant and visible);
General main directions, main guidelines and ideology of the policies of the countries of the Western world (despite its pronounced national specifics, Italy is in many ways a typical Western, European country, the problems of which are in many ways similar or identical to the problems of the Western community and its members)3.
Secondly, Italy is consistently and persistently intensifying its activities in the international arena, strengthening itself as one of the influential participants in the global political process.
The intensification of Italy's foreign policy is carried out on the basis of the country's new foreign policy strategy developed by the Italian leadership. Within the framework of the emerging “world of protagonists,” to which Italy includes itself, it officially defines national priorities. At the beginning of the 21st century, the most important segments of Italian “responsibility” to the world community, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers the country’s participation in such ongoing international processes as the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan, the post-crisis settlement of events in the Balkans, as well as its presence in the process of EU enlargement, especially in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).
Thirdly, the country’s status as an influential regional power and its geographical location oblige Italy to pursue an active security policy, primarily in the Mediterranean region, which is currently strategically important from the point of view of world politics and economics for the following reasons:
3 Thus, commenting on the outbreaks of violence in immigrant ghettos in large cities of France at the end of October - November 2005, the former head of the European Commission and the leader of the Italian left, and now the Prime Minister of Italy, R. Prodi, noted, for example, the following: “Italy is not too different from France. What is happening now in the Parisian suburbs will sooner or later happen here too.” See: Kovalenko Yu. We will arrange Baghdad for you // Izvestia. November 8, 2005. P.4.
Since ancient times, the Mediterranean has become the intersection of interests of different countries, peoples and civilizations, one of the main transport arteries of humanity, and today the destabilization of this artery can have unpredictable consequences;
The security situation in the region has worsened due to the uncertainty of the Middle East settlement, the actions of the united coalition in Iraq and Afghanistan, the intensification of terrorism, religious extremism and national separatism in states adjacent to Italy, a number of North African countries, as well as other threats and challenges (illegal migration , illegal arms trade, drug trafficking). Of particular concern are a number of problems in other areas - economics, ecology, which can also destabilize the situation in the region and need to be addressed.
Being exposed to these threats, in full or in part, Italy is pursuing a policy in this region that objectively contributes to the recovery and improvement of the regional situation4. There is no doubt that a lot depends on the position of this country, and here the field opens up for joint work between the countries of these regions and Italy.
Fourthly, positioning itself as an important factor for stable development and security in Europe and its subregions, Italy fully supports and itself puts forward large-scale initiatives in the field of cooperation, interaction and integration (Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe (SEE), Adriatic and Ionian Initiatives etc.) that deserve special attention and analysis.
4 Thus, Italy pursues a very liberal policy towards immigrants, although in general there is a tendency in the EU to tighten it (each EU country sets its own quotas for accepting immigrants). Such a policy, despite all its burden for the state budget, is designed to stem the wave of illegal immigration, relieve the severity of the immigration problem and eliminate a dangerous source of social tension in the region. Italy has repeatedly held amnesties for illegal immigrants, and the country has received several hundred thousand immigrants in some years. In February 1999, the Italian government passed a decree granting a residence permit to all foreigners who applied for legalization but did not achieve it in previous years. The number of foreigners who received a residence permit in Italy by decree was about 250 thousand people. See: Chernysheva O. Legislative amnesty for illegal immigrants: the experience of Western countries // Immigration policy of Western countries: alternatives for Russia. Ed. G. Vitkovskaya; International Organization for Migration. Moscow Research Program on Migration. M., Gandalf, 2002.
Fifthly, the positive experience of practical cooperation accumulated by Russia and Italy over the past 15 years deserves deep study. Italy occupies an important place in Russian foreign policy. Political relations between Russia and Italy are more constructive and trusting than with other leading Western states.
In this regard, the study of the main trends in Italian foreign policy seems very important and relevant for Russia. Understanding Italy’s position on issues of security and cooperation in Europe and the world as a whole will allow domestic diplomacy to more effectively pursue its own line in various directions in these areas. Knowledge of the basic patterns and priorities that determine Italian foreign policy will undoubtedly contribute to a qualitative forecast of what kind of response certain undertakings and efforts of Russia in the international arena will cause in Rome, as well as what kind of initiatives Italy itself can put forward. All this will be extremely useful for promoting Russia’s national interests in Europe.
From the relevance and connection of the work with the modern realities of world and European politics, its scientific novelty logically follows, the main elements of which are as follows:
Firstly, in the generalization, critical analysis and systematization of the conceptual developments of Italian foreign policy thought, carried out under the direct influence of changes in the world at the end of the 20th - beginning of the 20th centuries;
Secondly, in considering the foreign policy of the modern Italian state in the context of globalization, its broader vision from the point of view of the processes of integration and regionalization, refracted through the prism of the interrelations and interdependencies of the modern world;
Thirdly, in understanding - based on a detailed analysis - and assessing the intensification of traditional and development of new areas of Italian foreign policy, taking into account the strengthening role of the latter as one of the leading Western countries (initiatives in the field of security policy, expanding participation in peacekeeping and presence in the regions, establishing connections with new partners);
Fourthly, to substantiate the need for a more holistic, systematic approach to the study of the peculiarities of the foreign policy of modern Italy, necessary to overcome a certain “lightness” of ideas about the Italian factor in international politics;
Fifthly, in an attempt to find, analyze and generalize the positive impact of Russian-Italian cooperation on the entire complex of relations between Russia and the West, projecting the imperatives of this cooperation onto the development of Russia’s strategy in the western direction, as a general line of long-term actions, taking into account the highest interests of the country, and also in specific proposals for optimization and in the forecast for the development of relations between Russia and Italy.
The object of the dissertation research is the Italian Republic and its connections with the outside world.
As the subject of research, the work examines the foreign policy of Italy: its basic attitudes and their changes in the post-bipolar period, the motives and features of their implementation in the context of globalization, integration processes and the emergence of new challenges and threats.
The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is the method of system analysis in combination with other basic approaches or methods to scientific analysis in political science (institutional, sociological, comparative historical). The combination of these methods, as well as the dialectical principle of considering phenomena, facts and events, ensured a high degree of objectivity, validity of assessments and conclusions, and allowed the author to fully and comprehensively reveal the features of the evolution of a complex object under the influence of the inextricable connection of foreign and domestic policies. Considered as a system with its own hierarchy, components, levels, “inputs” and “outputs,” Italian foreign policy is at the same time conceived as an important regulator and stabilizer of the entire set of international relations in Europe, as well as a global link between it and Russia and a number of other other regions.
The purpose of the work is to identify the main directions, priorities and objectives of Italian foreign policy, the level of their compliance with the imperatives of global and regional processes in the development of international relations at the present stage, as well as the degree of compliance with the tasks of realizing the national interests of Italy, taking into account the role and place of the latter as an influential player in the world and the European arena.
Achieving this goal required setting and solving the following research problems:
To characterize the main dominants and attitudes of Italian foreign policy before the end of the Cold War and to determine the main prerequisites, reasons and vectors for the formation of a new foreign policy course for Italy in the context of the breakdown of the “bipolar” world order and the emergence of new challenges and threats in the world;
To reveal the essence, course and results of internal political Italian discussions regarding the development, additions and optimization of conceptual and practical approaches to the conduct of foreign policy of the Italian state at the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st centuries, taking into account the approaches put forward in this matter by the leading political forces of Italy;
Analyze and summarize the essence of changes in Italy’s foreign policy strategy during the period under review, build a gradation of the main priorities of the country’s foreign policy based on a systemic vision of the interrelations and interdependencies of Italy in the world and European communities, as well as real and potential channels for projecting its influence in various regions and countries;
To reveal the role and place of Italy in integration processes on a global scale and within the framework of the united “greater Europe”;
To characterize modern Italian approaches and positions in the field of regional and subregional security, to consider specific examples (regions, subregions and individual countries) of the implementation of the external course of the Italian Republic in its main directions;
To provide a brief background on relations between Russia and Italy, to examine in detail their current state, the main areas and opportunities for expanding cooperation between the two countries, as well as to reveal the effects produced and the prospects for their interaction in the field of politics, economics, strengthening international peace, stability and security, as well as promoting various multi- and bilateral large-scale integration projects in Europe.
Taking into account the scientific concept of this dissertation specified in the above-mentioned goals and objectives, as well as on the basis of the analysis carried out in it, the following are identified as proposals submitted for defense:
1. Italy is a large and influential state, quickly and confidently moving from the category of “middle countries” to the position of one of the leading powers in world and European politics.
2. Awareness and discussion about the new role and place of Italy in the international arena after the end of the Cold War led to a change in certain traditional and an increase in the number and significance of new foreign policy priorities of the country, to a noticeable intensification of its foreign policy course, its initiative in a number of areas, including and Russian.
3. At the present stage, Italian foreign policy is aimed at expanding comprehensive international cooperation and integration, strengthening universal stability, peace and security, solving global problems and providing assistance to states in need, and spreading democracy in the world.
4. The main foreign policy priority for Italy remains participation in Western integration structures, primarily in the EU and NATO, coordinating the efforts of their members and supporting the implementation of their joint projects in the military-political, integration and other fields.
5. Along with the integration vector in Italian politics, there is also an increasing desire to project its own influence as an independent, independent factor in other countries and regions, primarily in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. The main instrument for realizing Italian interests is - in addition to its political weight as an influential member of the Western community - trade and economic opportunities, investments, and the availability of funds for development assistance programs. At the same time, rightly acting as a cultural “superpower”, Italy has additional opportunities to strengthen its position in other regions and countries, for example, in Latin America. The military and military-political potential of this country allows it to expand its participation in peacekeeping operations and actively act as a “co-sponsor” of the peace process in resolving conflicts (in some cases this is due to history).
6. Italy is one of the key partners among Western countries for Russia; their positions on many important issues of international politics and development coincide; Italy, for example, is sympathetic to Russian concerns arising in connection with the expansion of the EU and NATO, the threat of terrorism in the Russian south, etc. It was with Italy that Russia reached one of the highest levels of its external relations; in a short time, the countries became important trade and economic partners for each other, and the potential for their cooperation in this and other areas is practically inexhaustible. All this creates the preconditions for Italy to become a “bridge” between Russia and the West, as well as broad interaction in the international arena. The trend towards rapprochement between the two countries, towards their movement towards each other as reliable partners, is confirmed by many indicators and determined by many factors, first of all, mutual interest in cooperation. The comprehensive development of ties with Italy is beneficial to Russia for the highest reasons of its foreign and domestic policy - especially since we can confidently predict the further strengthening of Italy’s position, both in the world and in a number of regions.
The degree of scientific development of the topic. The chosen research perspective touches upon several groups of issues, the degree of development of which varies. Italian issues are widely commented on and discussed in political and economic circles, as well as in the media. However, at the same time, the coverage of the issues under consideration was narrow and specialized - either comments and assessments of an economic and technological nature predominated. In the domestic expert community, Italy’s approaches to global problems and European politics (the latter), which, as a rule, were viewed as harshly, were also poorly understood. fit into the context of EU and NATO enlargement, i.e. without taking into account the presence of significant nuances in Italian approaches. At the same time, in the scenarios and models of its development proposed by domestic experts and politicians, there is a wide range of points of view, which required their generalization.
When covering the regional politics of Italy, the main attention, as a rule, was paid to the vectors of regional and external contradictions, the balance of power and the political processes derived from it. Various concepts of regional development, integration models and development forecasts were speculative and abstract in nature, one way or another, sliding towards the provisions of the school of “realism” in international relations, operating with the concepts of “strength”, “balance of forces” necessary to ensure “national interests”.
A large number of scientific works and articles are devoted to the development of relations between Russia and Italy. They contain various estimates, opinions and forecasts. The author proceeded from the fact that only an objective, substantiated and supported by facts from the past and present assessment of events and trends allows us to reproduce the real picture of modern relations between Russia and
Italy, identify problems and prospects for the development of these relations. In general, it cannot be stated unequivocally that, scientifically, the issue of Russian-Italian relations has been fully and comprehensively studied.
Source peak research base. The study of the problems of Italian foreign policy and the development of its relations with Russia required the development of a significant array of sources and literature, a complete picture of which can be given by breaking it down into groups.
This study was prepared based on the author’s study of a wide range of sources - official documents, speeches and speeches of political leaders, various scientific works and publications, Italian, Russian and foreign periodicals, the Internet. When writing the work, the author used several groups of sources and literature.
The first group consisted of scientific works that formed the conceptual and theoretical framework of the work. This group includes sources and literature, based on which the initial philosophical, conceptual, theoretical and methodological principles of work were developed (both in terms of methodology and individual components of modern political science - the theory of international relations, political philosophy, regionalism, conflictology, etc.). d.). This includes research by such domestic political scientists and experts as N.K. Arbatova, V.G. Baranovsky, T.V. Zonova, I.S. Ivanov, A.S. Panarin, E.M. Primakov and others. Among foreign authors, we should first of all name such political theorists and thinkers as R. Aron, S. Goldenberg, R. Dahrendorf, R. Keohane, A. Cohen, D. Mitchell, E .Hersig, S.Hirshausen et al.
The second group of sources consisted of officially published documents from Italy, the European Union and NATO, speeches and interviews with representatives of the Italian political establishment, reports, speeches and statements by leading politicians of Italy, Western European countries and Russia on integration issues5, documents of Russian foreign policy and official speeches by the leadership of the Russian Federation .
The third group includes works on key problems of Italian foreign policy. The most extensive body of literature is represented by the school of domestic Italian studies. The works and works of Russian researchers cover various aspects of Italian foreign policy, including history and modernity.
A separate large topic that is the focus of attention of domestic scientists is the history of relations between Russia and Italy, including the general political context, the works of I.V. Grigorieva6, K.E. Kirova7, O.V. Serova8 and other historians9.
It is also worth mentioning the works of O.N. Barabanova10, A.S. Protopopov (main trends in Italian foreign policy in the post-war period11), T.V.Zonova12, A.V. Vanina13, N.I. Trofimova14, (evolution of relations between Italy and the USSR), B.R. Lopukhova (Italian approach to the initial stages of the integration process in Western Europe within the framework of the ECSC-EEC15), P.A. Vares (relations between Italy and the USA in the second half of the 20th century), V.I.
5 Constitution of the Russian Federation // Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation. M., 1993; The concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation // Rossiyskaya Gazeta. July 11, 2000; Concept of National Security of the Russian Federation // Approved by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 24 of January 10, 2000 // Independent Military Review (weekly supplement to Nezavisimaya Gazeta). January 14, 2000; Strategy for the development of relations between the Russian Federation and the EU for the medium term (2000-2010). In the book: Ivanov I.D. European Union: structure, politics, relations with Russia. M.: “Scientific Book”, 2001; Collective strategy of the European Union towards Russia // Modern Europe. No. 31, 2000; NATO Strategic Concept // Independent Military Review (weekly supplement to Nezavisimaya Gazeta) April 16, 1999, etc.
6 Grigorieva I.V. On the history of revolutionary social relations between Russia and Italy in the 60-90s. XIX century M. 1968.
7 Kirova K.E. Russian Revolution and Italy. March-October 1917. M. 1968.
8 Serova O.V. Gorchakov, Cavour and the unification of Italy. M. 1997; Serova O.V. Garibaldi's campaign and Russian diplomacy // Russia and Italy. Issue 2. M.1996. P.112-136.
9 For more details, see: Misiano K.F. history of the Risorgimento in the studies of Soviet historians. // Italy in the works of Soviet historians. M.: IVI AN USSR. 1989. pp. 103-107.
Barabanov O.N. Italy after the Cold War: from a “middle power” to a “world of protagonists”. M.: ROSSPEN. 2002. Protopopov A.S. Italian foreign policy after the Second World War. M. 1963
12 Zonova T.V. Soviet-Italian relations in the 70s. XX century //Lenin’s policy of peace and security of peoples from the XXV to the XXVI Congress of the CPSU. M. 1982.
13 Vanin A. Soviet-Italian relations. Problems. Trends. Prospects. M. 1982.
14 Trofimov N.I. USSR-Italy: cultural ties (history and modernity). M. 1980.
15 Lopukhov B.R. Fascist and anti-fascist version of “Europeanism” in Italy. // Mediterranean and Europe: historical traditions and modern problems. M. 1986; It's him. Italy and Europeanism (on the path to the European Community). // Problems of Italian history. 1987. M, 1987.
16 Vares P.A. Rome and Washington. A story of unequal partnership. M. 1983.
Gantman17, N.K. Arbatova18 (Italian foreign policy in the 1970s - 80s), V.P. Gaiduk19 (foreign policy concepts of one of the leading political forces in Italy in the second half of the 20th century - the Christian Democratic Party), K.G. Kholodkovsky (perception of politics by various social groups in Italy 20). V.B. Kuvaldin21 (the influence of the Italian academic community on the process of developing foreign policy), etc.
The author received serious assistance in developing methodological approaches from the works of scientists of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry - E.P. Bazhanova, A.V. Bursova, E.A. Galumova, V.E. Dontsova, T.A. Zakaurtseva, V.N. Matyasha, A.V. Mitrofanova, G.K. Prozorova, P.A. Razvina, G.A. Rudova, N.P. Sidorova, G.N. Smirnova, A.G. Zadokhina, K.N. Kulmatova, A.D. Shutova22.
The fourth group included monographs and publications of a wide range of specialists - historians, political scientists. Since Italian topics are represented even more extensively in foreign historiography, the work of Italian and Western European authors is also reflected in the study.
Among the Italian researchers on the problems of Italian foreign policy, one should name G. Lenzi, A. Missiroli and A. Polita (security problems, Institute for Security Studies, formerly working under the auspices of the WEU, and now the EU), JI. Tosi (research on the history of relations between Italy and various international organizations - the UN, IMF, EU, etc.), M.
17 Gantman V.I. Foreign policy of Italy at the turn of the 70-80s. // Italy. M. 1983.
18 Arbatova N.K. Italian foreign policy: the process of formation and implementation. M. 1984; It's her. Mediterranean direction of Italian foreign policy // Problems of foreign policy of capitalist states in the 80s. M. 1986; It's her. Main trends in Italian foreign policy in the 80s. // MEiMO. 1987. No. 1. She is the same. The left forces of Italy about the future of Western Europe // MEiMO. 1988. No. 11.
19 Gaiduk V.P. Christian democracy in Italy (60-70s). M. 1985.
20 Kholodkovsky K.G. Italy: the masses and politics, the evolution of the socio-political consciousness of the working people in 1945-1985. M. 1989; It's him. The party-parliamentary system of the First Republic in Italy: historical conditionality and crisis. // Evolution of political institutions in the West. M.: IMEMO. 1999.
21 Kuvapdin V.B. The intelligentsia in modern Italy: position, psychology, behavior. M. 1973.
22 Bazhanov E.P. Current problems of international relations. In 3 vols. M, 2002. Bazhanov E.P. America: yesterday and today. M.: Izvestia, 2005. In 2 volumes. Bazhanov E.P. Modern world. M.: Izvestia, 2004, etc.
23 L "ltalia e Ie organizzazioni intemazionali: diplomazia multilaterale del Novecento / A cura di LTosi. Padova: CEDAM. 1999.
Panebianco and A. Di Stasi (“G8” from an EU24 perspective). N. Roncitti (legal aspects of international conflicts, reflecting realities
23 post-bipolar world), F. Andreatta (activities of international institutions to ensure security in the world and to implement the concept of collective security in practice), JI. Caracciolo, (futurological concepts of the role of Italy in Europe and the world, the future world order), S. Silvestri (Institute of International Affairs (Istituto Affari Internazionali, IAI, the Institute publishes the English-language magazine “International Spectator”), S. Rossi (research on Russia).
The fifth group of sources and literature consisted of materials from Italian, Western European and Russian periodicals, and other media, including the Internet.
The sixth group consisted of materials from doctoral and candidate dissertations defended at the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other Russian universities.
In addition to the above-mentioned elements of scientific novelty, the scientific and theoretical significance of the study lies in another attempt to update regional studies topics, emphasizing the special scientific and theoretical significance of studying the problems and prospects for the development of modern Italy, as well as the potential and prospects of Russian-Italian cooperation.
As for the practical significance of this dissertation, it is first of all advisable to recommend it for use in practical activities by Russian government structures that are responsible for the development of conceptual foundations and practical implementation of Russian foreign policy in the Italian and European directions, as well as coordination of interaction in this area, and namely: the Government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, other interested domestic ministries and departments, Committees of the chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, its legislative and executive authorities, management and curators
24 Panebianco M., Di Stasi A. L "Euro-G8: la nuova Unione europea nel Gruppo degli Otto. Torino
23 Ronzitti N. Diritto intemazionale del conflitti armati. Torino: G. Giappichelli. 1998.
26 Andreatta F. Istituzioni per la pace: teoria e pratica della sicurezza collettiva da Versailles all ex Jugoslavia. Bologna: II Mulino. 2000. Issues of Russian-Italian cooperation in the constituent entities and regions of the country. The work, undoubtedly, may be in demand by the bilateral Russian-Italian Council for Economic, Industrial and Monetary and Financial Cooperation, as well as Russian business, scientific, and educational centers cooperating with Italy.
The dissertation author’s comprehensive approach to the analysis of Italian foreign policy, built on specific facts and data, makes the work a valuable aid in the preparation of information and reference materials, proposals and recommendations, practical and scientific-theoretical developments on the problems of Italy, the development of European integration and Russia’s relations with Italy and Europe , in connection with which, it is advisable to recommend the dissertation for use by scientific and analytical centers, experts, teaching staff of higher educational institutions for the preparation of lecture courses, special courses, teaching aids - primarily at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and at MGIMO (U) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, as well as in other Russian universities of the relevant profile, focused on training international affairs specialists.
The structure of the dissertation research is determined by the logic of achieving the goal and solving the assigned tasks. The dissertation consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion and a list of sources and literature.
Conclusion of scientific work dissertation on the topic "The main directions of foreign policy of the Italian Republic at the present stage"
CONCLUSION
Based on the above analysis, it seems appropriate to draw the following conclusions.
1. The period at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries is characterized by a significant increase in the international activity of Italy in Europe and the world as a whole.
The intensification of Italy's foreign policy efforts is taking place on the basis of the country's new foreign policy ideology developed by Italian politicians and experts. The main feature of Italy's foreign policy of the last decade is the country's desire to revive its activities in the European and Mediterranean arenas, guided by the principle of partnership with leading Western states, on the one hand, and with the countries of the Middle East, on the other. Global transnationalism and liberalism become the priority principles, and practical steps are taken taking into account moral values - civil liberties and the constitutional law of peoples in its universal understanding. Italy's foreign policy doctrine is focused on cooperation with the EU, NATO, OSCE, and the Council of Europe.
2. The following three factors had a decisive influence on the formation of the new foundations of Italian foreign policy:
1) Processes of globalization and integration.
2) Breakdown of the bipolar system of the world.
3) Refraction of the features of the national socio-political and economic-geographical specifics of Italy in new conditions.
3. In implementing its foreign policy, Rome relies on active economic diplomacy, integration and regional policies, its political weight as an influential member of the Western community, military-political interaction with the United States and European allies within the framework of the NATO alliance, unique cultural and powerful scientific and educational potential.
The specific geographical location of the country feeds the thinking of Italian politicians and expert analysts in the categories of geopolitics and geo-economics, and the construction of original concepts in these areas. The intensification of Italian foreign policy based on the above factors has led to the emergence of new means in its arsenal (for example, widespread participation in peacekeeping; a major foreign policy project of Italy in recent years has been active mediation in the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea), the processes of globalization and the opening of new countries to the outside world after the fall of the Iron Curtain, they allowed Italian business and politics to begin to explore countries and regions that were previously inaccessible to them, very remote and specific.
In connection with the self-emphasis on the global significance of the country, it seems very important to increase attention to the continued development of a new positive image of Italy in political circles and public opinion of foreign countries. If previously the cultural centers of Italian embassies abroad conducted their activities extremely passively and indifferently, which was strikingly different from similar structures in other Western countries, now there is an increasingly significant tendency to strengthen their activities.
4. The following areas are priorities for Italian foreign policy at the present stage:
1) Relations with Western allies - European countries in the EU, NATO, as well as with the USA.
2) The region of Southern Europe and the Mediterranean, where special mention should be made of the Balkan subregion, Cyprus and Malta, Turkey, North Africa, and the Middle East.
3) Central and Eastern Europe.
4) Other regions (Latin America, Asia-Pacific) and Russia.
5. In the Mediterranean region, Italy's activity is expressed in supporting or putting forward important diplomatic initiatives to develop regional integration and cooperation. This is primarily due to the following factors:
1) geographical, geostrategic and geo-economic factors (strategically important, key position of Italy in the Mediterranean, its location at the intersection of main transport communications and trade routes, the country’s fuel and energy dependence on the states of the Southern Mediterranean, as well as proximity or proximity to countries at different levels of development and different cultures make it necessary for the country to actively participate in subregional processes of cooperation and integration);
2) the security factor (updating the issues of optimizing the security sphere in Europe and the world as a whole at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries due to the emergence of new threats and challenges, primarily the increased threat of Islamic terrorism in the region, as well as the influx of refugees and illegal migrants from the countries of the region and, in connection with this, the aggravation of problems of combating organized crime, drug trafficking, smuggling of people and weapons).
5. Rethinking the basis of its foreign policy on the basis of accumulated experience, Italy, in realizing its own interests and aspirations, consciously and consistently moved to putting forward significant regional initiatives, taking into account pan-European guidelines and guidelines. “The responsibility of a global protagonist” and “European peace” determined the proclamation of the Adriatic and Ionian Initiative (AII) and the signing of the interstate Ancona Declaration in this regard in May 2000. This project, if successfully implemented, could allow Italy to seize the initiative in the Balkan settlement from Germany, France and Great Britain and become the number 1 European actor in South-Eastern Europe. In addition, if the economic component of the Adriatic and Ionian Initiatives is implemented, it is quite possible to form a large-scale Italian Balkan clientele from among officials and entrepreneurs of the states of the region. This will also strengthen Italy's strategic position in South-Eastern Europe.
Assessing the Adriatic and Ionian Initiative as a whole, the following should be noted. Firstly, through its channels Italy receives additional opportunities for influence in the Balkans. Secondly, Italy symbolically becomes one of the main Western protagonists in resolving post-crisis development in the Balkans, which in the future could make Italy one of the main centers of gravity for the countries of South-Eastern Europe. At the same time, it is not excluded that certain friction may arise between Italy and Germany in the struggle for the status of the number one European actor in the Balkan settlement. Thirdly, the emergence of the Adriatic and Ionian Initiatives creates a precedent for fragmenting pan-Mediterranean cooperation into smaller subregional projects.
6. A general analysis of relations between Italy and Russia, primarily trade and economic, allows us to state the fact that cooperation based on the mechanism of regular political consultations, personal meetings of the leaders of the two states, exchange of messages, as well as contacts between the foreign ministries of the two countries has created a fairly high degree of trust in the Russian-Italian political dialogue. At the present stage, the parties are actively using these opportunities to expand areas of interaction, coordinated common positions and approaches, and are increasingly coming to the adoption of joint or parallel foreign policy initiatives, both on a European scale and in the international arena as a whole. The task of diplomacy of both countries will now be to translate into practical terms the adopted political decisions and agreements on the implementation of both bilateral economic cooperation and cooperation within the framework of the Pan-European Economic Space (CEES). Italy is one of Russia's leading European partners, and intensive political dialogue with which, including at the highest level, has acquired a rich and multifaceted character in recent years.
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169. Italia, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, “Conflict Prevention: Fact File.” July 20, 2001. Retrieved from the University of Toronto's G8 Information Centre: http://www.g7.utoronto.ca/g7/summit/2001genoa/presdocs/conflict.html
170. Government of Japan, “G8 Miyazaki Initiatives for Conflict Prevention,” July 13, 2000. Retrieved from the University of Toronto's G8 Information Center: http://www.g7.utoronto.ca/g7/foreign/fm000713- in.htm
171. Evian Summit. Chair's Summary. June 3, 2003 / http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/summit/2003evian/communiqueen.html
172. Ennio Caretto."Con il Cremino l"approccio giusto e1 quello europeo" // 25 February 2005. http://www.corriere.it
173. Dini L. Intervento del Ministro degli Affari Esteri, Onorevole Lamberto Dini, alia Commissione Affari Esteri del Senato della Repubblica sulle priorita della politica estera italiana. Roma, 8 June 2000. // www.esteri.it.
174. Dini L. Intervento del Ministro degli Affari Esteri, Onorevole Lamberto Dini, alia Riunione della Commissione Politica deH"Assemblea Parlamentare del Consiglio d"Europa. Roma, 12 June 2000. // www.esteri.it.
175. Dini L. Fra Casa Bianca e Botteghe Oscure: fatti e retroscena di una stagione
176. Dini L. Dichiarazione del Ministro degli Affari Esteri, Onorevole Lamberto tf 179. Dini al Senato della Repubblica sulla intervista al Cancelliere tedesco
177.VII. Periodicals
178. Russian periodicals182. Diplomatic courier. 2000-2006.
179. Diplomatic bulletin. 2000-2006.
180. Diplomatic Yearbook. 2000-2006.185. Europe. 1998-2005
181. European Union. 1998-2005187. Results. 2000-2006.188. Kommersant. 1998-2005
182. Compass. ITAR-TASS. 1996-2005
183. International life. 1998-2006
184. World economy and international relations. 1997-2005.192. Our newspaper. 2000-2006.
185. Independent newspaper. 1998-2005
186. Russian newspaper. 2000-2005
187. Russian Federation today. 1996-2005
188. Russian news. 1998-2005
189. Russia in global politics. 2002-2006.
190. Russia and the modern world. 2000-2005199. Today. 2000-2006.
191. Periodicals in foreign languages
192. Corriere della Sera. 1993- 2005
193. Financial Times. 2000-2005
194. II Sole 24 Ore. 1998-2006 203.11 Giornale. 2003-2005 204.11 Messaggero. 2001-2005205. Impresa Italia. 2002-2005
195. Journal of International Affairs. 1996-2005207. La Repubblica. 1997-2005208. La Stampa. 1996-2006209. L"Espresso. 1997-2006
196. Libera 1997-2006 21 l.Limes.1998-2006
197. L"Osservatore Romano. 1998-2005213. L"Unita. 1996-2005214. Panorama. 1998-2005215. Unita. 2001-2005
Introduction.
Over the past 60 years, all Italian governments have tried to maintain a balance between three directions of foreign policy, which are pillars today: NATO and the Atlantic Partnership, European integration and the Mediterranean region. It is especially difficult to find a common policy that respects US interests on the one hand and EU interests on the other.
Relevance of the research topic. One of the important topics in the study of modern international relations is the adaptation of the state to the challenges of a changing world. The state, as the main actor in the system of world politics, is at the center of the ongoing transformations. The unknown of development paths after the collapse of the bipolar system, transnational integration processes, terrorism, the aggravation of a number of local conflicts, attempts to interpret international law more freely - these and other problems that the world community had to face at the turn of the millennium began to directly influence not only the external, but and on the internal politics of states. The events that took place gave rise to lively discussions about rethinking the concept of sovereignty, and the right to humanitarian intervention of foreign states.
Europe is affected by the most serious changes. Firstly, this is due to the high level of supranational integration within the EU, which is a distinctive feature of the region. In addition, after the end of the Cold War, Europe, which is one of the “main fronts” in the Cold War, underwent the most significant geopolitical changes after its end: a change in ideological guidelines and socio-political formations, bloody interethnic conflicts, etc. That is why it is especially important to trace changes in the international system using the example of European states. In this regard, some of them are of particular interest. The end of the confrontation between the USSR and the USA made it possible to pursue a more independent domestic policy, both at the global and regional levels. Italy can also be considered one of these countries. Italy became the border party. It occupies an intermediate position between the West and the East, between Africa and Europe. Politically, it was a Western democracy bordering on the socialist bloc. The fate of the country was determined by the game of two opposing superpowers; this applied to all international issues affecting Italy: from the former Italian colonies to membership in the UN. The typical “middle state” activated its policies in the 1990s, becoming a participant in the “world of protagonists.” This was due largely to security reasons, because the Balkan crisis flared up in the immediate vicinity of the Apennines, so Rome needed to take serious measures to resolve it.
Italy is a state with rather poor natural resources. That is why the balance in foreign policy between the European Union and the United States, domestic interests and foreign policy is of particular interest for study.
Object of study is the foreign policy of the Italian state after the Second World War, with particular emphasis on modernity.
Subject of study- the main factors influencing the adoption of the foreign policy course of the Apennine Peninsula.
Hypothesis. The contradictory policies of European integration on the one hand and cooperation with the United States on the other force Italy to balance between East and West, Europe and America in an attempt to solve its political, financial and economic problems with minimal losses.
Goal of the work– identifying the main priorities of Italy in the international arena, taking into account the events of the 2000s. Based on this goal, the following tasks were set:
Consider Italian foreign policy after the end of the Cold War, the main processes in which Italy was directly involved.
Find out the position of Italy during the economic crisis of the 21st century.
Analyze Italy’s relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as highlight the main points of their cooperation.
Consider Italy's views on the main challenges of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
Identify the role of Italy in the implementation of US and EU policies.
Trace the parallel of changes between domestic and foreign policy in the 21st century.
Comparative method for comparing expert concepts and analyzing the activities of the country's leadership on the topic being studied;
Typological method in developing concepts of homogeneous groups in Italian political thought.
An analytical method for analyzing individual theories and practical steps of the Italian leadership, both in foreign and domestic policy.
Historical-descriptive method, which provides systematization and analysis of factual information.
Documents of international organizations in which Italy takes part (UN, EU, NATO, Council of Europe, etc.);
Press articles, interviews, speeches prepared by prominent Italian politicians;
Memoirs of public and political figures directly involved in making foreign policy decisions in Italy;
News agency reports;
International agreements of Italy;
Official reports, speeches and statements of persons directly influencing the country's politics: the president, chairman of the council of ministers, minister of defense, minister of foreign affairs, heads of chambers of parliament, etc.
Official documents of foreign countries concerning Italy;
The Constitution of Italy, program documents of political parties and movements, laws and other legal acts;
Databases, studies compiled by international structures studying foreign policy problems.
Scientific novelty of the research. The innovation of the work is explained by the lack of study in the domestic literature of Italian foreign policy after the resignation of the government of S. Berlusconi, as well as the influence of the economic crisis on the change in Italy’s position in the international arena.
The work obtained new results:
The role of Italy in the main conflicts in Europe, North Africa and the Middle East at the end of the 20th and beginning of the century has been studied. XXI century;
The main courses of foreign policy during the governments of S. Berlusconi and M. Monti are considered;
Analyzed changes in external priorities during the financial crisis of the 2000s;
The goals and objectives of Rome in the Middle East, Europe and North Africa are studied;
The main contradictions between the foreign policies of Italy and NATO, Italy and the EU, etc. are considered.
At various stages of its development, the Middle East conflict caused painful divisions within NATO. The first split occurred in 1973, when the United States decided to airlift ammunition and military equipment to Israel. All Western European NATO member countries refused to provide their airfields; only the Netherlands and Portugal allowed it. The main reason for the refusal was the fear of the spread of the oil embargo imposed by Arab countries for providing assistance to Israel. Italy categorically prohibited the use of its bases for the transfer of military force to the Middle East, fearing being drawn into a conflict and spoiling its relations with Arab countries.
A favorable attitude towards Israel within the country, characteristic of all political forces in Italy, except for A. Fanfani in the Christian Democratic Party, in the 70s was replaced by a policy of “equidistance” from the conflicting parties. Since the 1970s, the Italians have been insisting on the implementation of Resolution 242 adopted by the UN General Assembly on the Palestinian problem. This resolution was approved by all 15 members at the 1382nd meeting of the UN Security Council on November 22, 1967. The resolution demanded the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied during the conflict and called for an immediate end to the state of war and all aggressive declarations. And also the recognition of the right of each state to sovereignty, to live in peace, to have secure and recognized borders without threats and violence 1 .
The position of “equidistance” in the conflict in the Middle East opened up wide opportunities for Italy for mediation, but this policy limited the significance of official positions and statements. Despite the need to apply the resolution “in all respects,” the Italian government did not specify whether it was in favor of a complete liberation of the territories occupied by Israel or a partial one.
During the events of 1973, Italy's line in the Middle East was clearly characterized by an orientation toward the Arab states. During this period, the contours of the Italian-Israeli contradictions emerge most clearly. In the event of an embargo on oil supplies (Italy imports 80% of oil from Arab states), the government puts forward a proposal in April 1973 to liberate the part of Sinai captured by Israel, as well as solve the problem of the Suez Canal and provide international assistance to the Sadat regime.
However, the proposals were not taken seriously by either the US or Israel. The “equidistance” policy was a fiasco. At a meeting in Algiers in 1973, Italy was not included in the list of states friendly to the Arab world.
In 1974, when voting on the recognition of the Palestinian territories, Italy supplemented its demands with a clause - the complete liberation of the occupied territories. On October 14, 1974, Italy spoke out for recognition of the rights of the people of Palestine.
The position of Italy, following the example of France, contradicted the position of other Western powers and the United States. The aggravation of the oil problem is pushing the Italian government to conclude bilateral agreements with Arab countries similar to the agreement concluded between France and Iran and providing for the supply of industrial equipment in exchange for oil.
Since 1973, Italy has become an active participant in the development of a common policy of the European Economic Community on issues of the Middle East, while emphasizing that “a solution to the conflict should not be imposed by two superpowers, but would be the result of a joint discussion of all interested parties.” The Italians hoped that a coordinated policy among the EEC countries and the establishment of stronger ties between the Arab world and Western Europe would help transform the Mediterranean into the sphere of economic and political influence of the integration association. 2
Italy made a significant contribution to the formation of the “common” Middle East policy of the European Community, entering into extensive contacts in the Middle East. In 1977, the European Council approved the statement of the Nine countries on the principles for resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, which reflected the main position of Italian policy - the demand for the withdrawal of Israelis from all Arab territories that were captured by Israel in June 1967. And also the inadmissibility of adopting any resolutions that violate the progress of negotiations, respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries in this region. Within internationally recognized and guaranteed borders, ensuring the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people with the creation of their own state. This was publicly discussed during the visit of Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti to Saudi Arabia in August 1977.
With the signing of the Camp David Accords in 1977, Italy officially took over the US position. However, fearing sanctions from Arab states that condemned the Egyptian-Israeli deal, Italian politicians never tired of emphasizing that this is “only the first step.” 3
The country's public was negatively impressed by Italy's participation in the operation in the Sinai Peninsula, along with Great Britain, the Netherlands and France. Italian Foreign Minister Enrico Colombo convinced senators that “participation in a multinational force makes it possible to expand the scope of state action.” He stated that international forces do not pose a danger to Arab territories 4 .
In 1982, Italy stood together with its EEC partners to defend the unity and independence of Lebanon, against the Israeli invasion, which threatened the lives of the Lebanese and prevented the Lebanese government from restoring control over the entire territory of the state.
A unified position in Rome regarding Iran's policy has not been formulated. Italy did not comment in any way on the events taking place in the ruling circles of Iran. This behavior is explained: on the one hand, by the economic interests of Italy, which needs Iranian oil, and on the other hand, by loyalty to the United States.
Italy-Israel.
Over the past decades, relations between Italy and Israel have not attracted international relations specialists and foreign historiographers. Only in the last few years has the situation changed and scholars have begun to address this issue, especially regarding the relationship of center-left parties to Israel and Palestine.
Considering relations with the Republican Party of Italy (Partito Repubblicano Italiano) and the Radical Party (Partito Radicale), it is possible to analyze diplomatic relations over the past fifty years and characterize them as “officially unfriendly”, which have no prerequisites for either rapprochement or deterioration. This was definitely an initiative of Italy, which, having no relations with Israel, did not want to harm relations with the Arab world. The Italian position towards Israel can be described as “under the shadow of the Arab states” 5 . In fact, the Italian government carefully avoided any political course towards Israel, thereby avoiding difficulties, even to a lesser extent, in relations with the Arab world, both politically and economically.
This position remained unchanged throughout the 1950s. On the contrary, the term neo-Atlanticism (neoatlatismo) appeared, a new policy in the Atlantic region, which implied a rapprochement between Italy and the United States, which allowed Rome to pursue an autonomous policy in the Mediterranean. 6 After the fighting in June 1967, under the leadership of Aldo Moro (one of the most significant political leaders of the Christian Democratic Party), Italy began to pursue a pro-Arab policy. The government was also supported by the Communist Opposition Party, which supported the USSR's course in the Middle East. The policy is explained by the economic crisis that followed the oil shock in 1973. At the same time, Italy began to support the Palestinian cause, as shown by the opening of the Palestine Liberation Organization office in Rome in 1974. 7 A few years later, in June 1980, thanks to the efforts of Foreign Minister Emilio Colombo, the Council of Europe adopted the Venice Declaration on the Middle East, which recognized the “legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination” and supported agreements regarding a peace settlement, calling for a diplomatic solution to the conflict . 8
During the 1980s, the Italian government under Bettino Craxi also maintained a pro-Arab and pro-Palestinian foreign policy. For the first time, a series of high-level meetings were held, during which the participants adhered to the course of rapprochement with Rome. Relations with Israel reached their height of tension in October 1985, with the attack by four terrorists on the Italian ship Achille Lauro. 9 The end of the First Republic led to changes in the internal political system of Italy. Bilateral negotiations in Oslo between Israel and the PLO and, as a result, the “Declaration of Principles” signed on September 13, 1993 in Washington, as well as the change in political forces in Italy, forced a reconsideration of the foreign policy course and take an “equidistant position” in relation to the two sides. The government led by Silvio Berlusconi played a major role in the settlement.
It is possible to talk about fundamental changes only during the second term of Silvio Berlusconi's premiership (the first government was in power for only 8 months - May 10, 1994 - January 17, 1995 and hardly influenced the course of Italy's foreign policy). The second (2 June 2001 - 23 April 2005) and third (23 April 2005 - 17 May 2006) governments made a significant contribution to the development of Italian-Israeli relations.
Within five years, there were four foreign ministers: Renato Ruggiero (June 2001 - January 2002); after his departure, duties were temporarily performed by Silvio Berlusconi, Franco Frattini (November 2002 - November 2004) and Gianfranco Fini (November 2004 - May 2006).
It is interesting to consider the reasons why Renato Ruggiero decided to retire. Before taking up the post of Foreign Minister, he served as Director General of the World Trade Organization. It is obvious that he was appointed to the post of minister under pressure from President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, as well as other senior officials, including Gianni Agnelli, the owner of FIAT. 10 Ruggiero decided to leave the government only a few months after his appointment, primarily due to skepticism towards the EU expressed by other ministers, in particular Defense Minister Antonio Martino, Economy Minister Giulio Tremonti and Reform Minister Umberto Bossi. Ruggiero said that he left his post because of the “continuity” and “heterogeneity” of the foreign policy course being pursued. Thus, arguing that Italy is not following the previously proclaimed pro-Washington direction. 11 Having become Minister of Foreign Affairs, Silvio Berlusconi announced that Italy was adhering to the previously declared policies, which was embodied in Rome’s partnership strategy with the EU and the United States. 12
Was Silvio Berlusconi's policy “continuous” or sharply different from the course pursued by his predecessors? Was Ruggiero right that relations with the US were more important to Berlusconi than with the EU? Was Berlusconi right to place equal emphasis on cooperation with Brussels and with Washington? On this issue, scientists are divided into two camps: 1) Those who claim that S. Berlusconi has changed the course of Italian foreign policy and 2) those who, on the contrary, see continuity in policy. (Emphasising that the style and tactics of negotiations have changed, but the essence remains the same). 13
Pietro Ignazi is a proponent of the first point of view. He believes that, despite the policy of cooperation proclaimed by S. Berlusconi, both with the United States and with Western countries, the head of government is pursuing a policy of “stricter loyalty” towards Washington than towards Brussels. 14 Ettore Greco, Director of the Institute of International Relations in Rome, notes that the Italian government “is pursuing a pro-European course rather than a traditional approach, thereby expanding the circle of its political allies.” 15 Sergio Romano also writes about “changing established priorities.”
However, diplomat Osvaldo Croci considers S. Berlusconi’s policy to be continuous: “If Berlusconi made changes to Italian foreign policy, then this only concerns the style and manner of negotiations, but not the substance.” The situation in Iraq is cited as evidence, which clearly expresses the “consistency” of the course. In fact, Rome is trying to mediate between two positions: the United States on the one hand and Brussels on the other. “The position of the Berlusconi government was not new, it was just that in the course of the manifestation of a firmly established chosen course, Italy tilted towards Washington at the same angle as towards the Alps and the Mediterranean region.” 16
Citing different opinions, it is not easy to correctly answer the question of how radically the course has changed within the framework of the paradigm of “continuity” and “variability.” Nevertheless, regarding the issue of relations with Israel, we can say for sure that S. Berlusconi radically changed the traditional course, not only formally, but also essentially (substantively).
The first manifestations of a change in attitude on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be observed in the left-wing government of 1996-2001. One of the main roles in the coalition was played by the Democratic Left Party (Democratici di Sinistra). In April 1999, Israeli Foreign Minister Ariel Sharon arrived in Rome on an official visit. Italian Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema expressed his desire to promote the peaceful resolution of the conflict, as well as to pursue a balanced policy course. Compared to the 70-80s, the center-left government took a completely opposite direction, when it took a course of “equal distance” from both Israel and Palestine 17 .
It is necessary to cite a number of episodes demonstrating the variability of Italian foreign policy towards Israel. First of all, this is the “Marshall Plan for the Palestinians,” which was never implemented, but was presented for the second time during S. Berlusconi’s official visit to Israel in February 2010. Initially, assistance was expected in the amount of 6.2 million euros. Italy could only cover part of the declared amount. 18 This decision was based on a humanitarian approach rather than a political one, according to which the economic development of the Palestinians is the key to a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Italian government's decision departs from the traditional approach, in which the "boot" was focused on political objectives and actively supported Palestine in the struggle for self-determination.
15 April 2002 Italy refuses to support a resolution affirming “the right of Palestinians to fight against occupation in order to achieve their independence,” thus fulfilling one of the goals and objectives of the UN. 19 According to the Italian delegation, it is impossible to approve this document by focusing only on human rights violations by Israel, but without mentioning terrorist attacks against the Israeli population. Britain and Germany were wary of criticism of Israel's policies and voted against the resolution. Austria, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, France and Sweden voted in favor. Italy and Poland abstained. The Italian delegation demonstrated that if further resolutions clearly favor one of the parties, the government will not sign them.
On December 11, 2002, S. Berlusconi made a sharp statement during the official visit of the Israeli President to Rome that he would no longer have direct relations with the Palestinian authorities. "The door closed for Arafat after the clash in Netanya." (On March 29, 2002, in an attack against the Israelis, 30 people were killed under a Palestinian bomb 20). This is actually not true because Gianni Letta, the Deputy Prime Minister, met with the Palestinian Minister for Cooperation a few weeks earlier. However, this statement clearly demonstrates the Italian policy in defense of Israel at the international level.
In June 2003, a few weeks before Italy's EU presidency, the government made two important announcements aimed at warming relations with Israel. The first is a memorandum of cooperation in matters of defense and military industry, approved on June 16 and approved by the Italian parliament in February 2005. Second, during his second visit to Israel, Silvio Berlusconi refused to meet with the head of Palestine, Yasser Arafat. This behavior is very strange for a European leader, which caused sharp criticism from other EU members who were against Arafat’s marginalization from political life 22 .
In September 2003, at a meeting of the Council of General Affairs and External Relations, Foreign Minister Franco Frattini agreed with other EU representatives to include Hamas on the list of terrorist groups, which the United States had already done in January 1995. This position is completely contrary to the behavior of the government in June 1980, when the Minister Foreign Affairs Colombo asked the European Community to consider the Palestine Liberation Organization as political and not terrorist. It is noteworthy that F. Frattini promised Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom that Italy is always happy to provide its territories for negotiations with European countries on international cooperation 23 .
The situation has not changed with the appointment of Gianfranco Fini as Minister of Foreign Affairs. In an interview with La Stampa newspaper, he commented on the death of Yasser Arafat from the Israeli side: “This is a historic day for the establishment of the State of Israel 24.”
In January 2006, after Hamas's victory in the parliamentary elections, S. Berlusconi said that these were “very, very, very bad results” and called on EU countries not to recognize the Hamas government unless it accepted three conditions: recognition of Israel, acceptance of all agreements signed PLO and the commitment to stop violence. 25
During S. Berlusconi’s visit to Israel on February 1-3, 2010, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed gratitude to the Italian head of state: “You are a brave politician who constantly defends the interests of Israel. Under your leadership, relations between our countries and peoples are constantly expanding. Italy is one of the closest friends in Europe and in the world. Israel is proud to have such a friend in Europe in Silvio Berlusconi. On behalf of all the people, I want to tell you: we respect you, we bow before you. Welcome to Jerusalem!” 26.
There are several reasons for this drastic change in the Italian government's policy. One of them is economic, but it is not dominant. The main motives must be analyzed based on the political and ideological situation in the country. The first reason is directly related to the foreign policy course: proximity to the United States, which characterizes Berlusconi’s policy, and automatically forces Italy to take the side of Israel. The second reason is associated with the creation of a pro-Israel political party, the National Alliance, which is the heir of the Italian Socialist Movement (MSI), as well as with the formation of an ideological and cultural environment of Islamic orientation.
With the collapse of the national alliance and the creation of the “Forward Italy!” parties, the Northern League, the attitude towards Israel did not change. These parties have not expressed a definite position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but their policy depends on the leader, Silvio Berlusconi. As for the Northern League, their position is entirely based on the internal situation in the country. The party did not have a definite position until the events of September 11, 2001, their position is to reduce the increasing number of Muslim migrants in Italy. 27
Italy-Afghanistan.
The Italian contribution to the revival of the free democratic republic of Afghanistan dates back to the early 1990s, when members of the Afghan royal family chose Rome in order to improve relations with the international community, as well as to secure international assistance and support for the reconstruction of the state. Italy's contribution to resolving the conflict is evidenced by the appointment of two Italian diplomats, Ettore Sequi and Fernando Gentelini, as the main representatives of the EU and NATO on civil affairs in Afghanistan.
Italian troops have been in Afghanistan since January 2002 as part of the International Security Assistance Force (ISEF). The military force includes 1,400 soldiers, two-thirds of whom are located in Kabul and one-third in Herat. Unlike the situation with Iraq, the Prodi government intended to continue fighting in Afghanistan. “Our troops are in Afghanistan, under the auspices of NATO, in accordance with the UN. We are proud to be part of these divisions. Our troops will remain there because we value all the missions in which we take part (there are 28 in total), each time analyzing the result that was achieved. By withdrawing troops from Afghanistan, we expose ourselves to the risk of isolationism, because Italy must fulfill its responsibilities in the context of world politics and economics. The war in Afghanistan is a preventative measure (after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001),” says Defense Minister Arturo Parisi 28 . “Moreover, Italy will act together with coalition partners. Italy cannot withdraw its troops on its own. We are NATO countries, with the EU and the UN, and Italy cannot leave the UN, NATO or the European Union.” 29
The Italian government does not reject the existing risks and difficulties associated, first of all, with the production of opium and the expanding intensification of the Taliban's military operations. The situation in Afghanistan today is extremely unstable, more and more people are afraid of terrorist threats. NATO, meanwhile, which was responsible only for security in Kabul and the relatively peaceful regions of the North and West of the country, under US command, began to conduct operations also in the southern territories. On the one hand, new NATO troops have arrived and will remain as long as necessary. On the other hand, the Taliban announced new battles, for which the new troops would be easily attacked 30 .
However, despite certain dangers and risks, a military presence is necessary to protect the civilian population and to secure the results of the changes that have been achieved. In addition to military assistance, economic and humanitarian assistance to the population should also be provided. Coalition partners must solve assigned problems together. The main goal of the mission in Afghanistan is to assist in the establishment of a democratic regime in the country, which is being suppressed by the Taliban. This is a long process of “state building”, which is far from perfect. However, Minister D'Alema is convinced that, first of all, the international community is interested in creating a peaceful and stable Afghanistan 31 .
Italy-Libya.
Mutual interest and the colonial past of the countries determine the nature of the relationship between these two states.
1912-1942 Libya was colonially dependent on the Kingdom of Italy. Moreover, the conquest of the territory of Libya continued until 1930 and a single colony of Libya, which united Cyrenaica, Fezzan and Tripolitania, was created only in 1934. The Italian government brutally suppressed uprisings against foreign occupation. However, despite the efforts of the Italians, who sought to attract the Arab population to their side, the anti-Italian movements were very strong. 32 Such sentiments especially intensified after 1969, with the coming to power of Muammar Gaddafi, on whose orders over 20 thousand Italians living in Libya were expelled from the country, and all their property was confiscated in favor of the state.
However, trade continued to expand strongly, thanks to ENI, the state-owned Italian oil and gas company, which maintained a permanent presence in the country, even during a time of terrorism and international sanctions against Libya. It is also necessary to mention here the Libyan investment in Fiat 33.
The worst period in relations came in 1986, when Libya fired a missile that crashed into waters off the Italian island of Lampedusa. This event led to forced bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi by the United States. Libya was accused of promoting international terrorism. Being in international isolation, the state had to bring the terrorists to a Scottish court and pay substantial compensation to the families of the victims. The Security Council imposed sanctions on Libya in 1992 and only lifted them in 2003. Subsequently, the Jamahiriya undertook a commitment addressed to the Security Council not to take part (directly or indirectly) in international terrorist acts and to report terrorist intentions to use weapons of mass destruction. The United States only lifted the embargo in 2005.
One of the most important issues in resolving relations between Libya and Italy is the migration issue. Due to the “Pan-African” policy (visa-free regime for immigrants from African countries to the Jamahiriya), thousands of refugees from the southern and central parts of the African continent poured into the Italian peninsula. The Apennines have attracted illegal immigrants because they are the “gateway to Europe”, where the quality of life is several times higher than in African countries, in addition, there is the opportunity to find work in the informal sector of the economy. The Italian immigration policy also contributed to the stimulation of migration flows into the country, which, despite the tightening of rules and regulations, periodically held amnesties for illegal immigrants 34 .
On August 30, 2008, the Government of Italy and the Government of Libya signed an agreement of friendship and cooperation. Under this agreement, Italy must invest $5 billion in Libya over 20 years. Libya, in turn, was to resume cooperation with Italy in the fight against organized crime, drug trafficking, terrorism and illegal immigration. To combat illegal immigration, Italians were expected to patrol the borders of Libya. The costs of maintaining patrol brigades, in accordance with the agreement, were borne by Italy and the European Union on a parity basis 35 .
The consequences of the civil war in Libya were not only several thousand wounded and killed, but also many emigrants 36. Streams of refugees poured into the Italian island of Lampidusa. They demanded not to return them back, but to resettle them in other areas of Italy. It is worth noting that several hundred Libyans were unable to swim to the island and died during the crossing, because... the boats were completely filled with people. The camps provided food, clothing, and temporary shelter, but the flow increased and the conditions of the camp deteriorated, which gave rise to new unrest on the island. The situation was complicated by the reluctance of European countries to accept illegal immigrants.
On April 11, 2011, the ministers of the interior and justice discussed the situation around the island of Lampedusa. Rome asked for help from EU countries, proposing to classify refugees as immigrants who left the conflict zone and evenly “distribute” the population among all 27 countries, but France, Great Britain and Germany refused to help, arguing that Italy is not a leader in receiving refugees. In response, the head of the Italian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Roberto Maroni, stated that “his country needs to flee - away from the European Union” 37 .
In mid-April 2011, the government approved a project under which immigrants were issued a temporary six-month residence visa, allowing their holders to move around the Schengen area. Many permit holders wanted to remain in France, which led to strained relations between Rome and Paris. In order to stop migrants, the French authorities closed the border with Italy to entry. The differences were resolved at a bilateral summit in Rome at the end of April 2011, where Berlusconi changed his position, expressing that “the burden of immigration in France is five times greater than in Italy” 38 .
On September 22, 2011, immigrants started a riot on the island. They set fire to the newly renovated migration center, then fled in all directions. Some of the fugitives managed to get hold of gas cylinders and, seizing a gas station, threatened to blow up the island 39 . It is worth noting that the island of Lampedusa, thanks to its picturesque landscapes, favorable climate and unique marine fauna (Maltese-Pelagic), traditionally attracts tourists. In 2011, the tourist season ended before it even began.
In order to evacuate 65 thousand refugees, the international organization for migration asked the international community to allocate an additional 35 million euros. To solve the problem and provide humanitarian assistance, the EU allocated 30 million 40
Another issue governing international relations between Italy and Libya concerns energy resources. Italy is one of the most dependent countries on energy suppliers, consuming large quantities of oil and gas. Russia ranks first in supplying Italy with gas (which also helps explain the personal friendship between Putin and Berlusconi), Libya is the second country, and the first, to export oil to Italy. Italy wants to expand the range of suppliers due to the Russian-Ukrainian gas crisis, although ENI (State Oil Industry Association) has an agreement with the Russian company Gazprom. In order to understand Italy's foreign policy strategy and the reorientation of diplomacy, it is necessary to take into account the trade and economic interests that guide the country's leader 41 .
The main goals of foreign policy in the Balkans.
At the moment, the main goals of foreign policy in the Balkan region are: 1) Combining stability within countries and the effective functioning of their institutions, especially in the legal sphere. 2) Maintaining the gradual integration of the Balkans into the EU and NATO, with the intention of also realigning the Euro-Atlantic institutions towards southern Europe. 3) Prevent the formation of new nationalist movements in the Balkans (primarily in Serbia, Bosnia and Macedonia) 4) Stimulate the economic and social development of the region, with the further development of Italian trade and investment.
Italy's position in the Kosovo conflict.
Italy's relations with the Balkan countries are the result of political traditions, geographical location and cultural affinities. Events in the Adriatic region had a direct impact on Italy's domestic and foreign policy.
The Italian administration is forced to combine its purely pragmatic goals in developing countries with NATO commitments, which often contradict each other; the government must take into account the reaction of the conflicting parties, as well as its popularity in the developing world. The multiple goals pursued by Rome in conflict situations often lead it to making belated decisions and diplomatic defeats.
Trying to stop the endless flow of refugees, including through military and police measures, since the beginning of the conflict Italy took the side of the Kosovo Albanians. The press focused public attention on the actions of the Yugoslav police much more than on the terrorist actions of Albanian separatists from the Kosovo Liberation Army. Together with other Western European countries, Italy supported the decision, made under pressure from the United States, to use military force against the FRY in order to put pressure on the Serbian side 42 .
With the advent of the center-left government of Massimo D'Alema, a more balanced approach to solving the Kosovo problem emerged. Unlike his predecessor, Romano Prodi, the 77th Chairman of the Council of Ministers tried to avoid binding statements regarding the provision of bases on Italian territory for NATO aircraft in the event of attacks on the FRY. A campaign has been launched in the Italian press accusing the United States of arming KLA militants (Kosovo Liberation Army) not only with funds of German or American origin, but also with mafia structures of Albanian emigrants operating on Italian territory, obtained, among other things, through drug trafficking. 43
The main question was which side the Western countries would take after the application of military measures to the FRY. Italy was concerned that the country would be forced to enter the war against Serbia and Montenegro on the side of the Western alliance, with no idea of specific goals or military consequences. 44
On March 24, 1999, a NATO military operation against Yugoslav troops began. Great Britain, France, and Germany took part in it. Ankara, London and Rome provided their territories as staging points for US aircraft carriers.
Despite the fact that within NATO all decisions are made on the basis of consensus, not a single European country dared to block the military action, which, however, was adopted without consideration by the UN Security Council. If one of the members had used the right of veto, this would have inevitably entailed not only a severe crisis within the alliance and a sharp deterioration in relations with Washington, but also split the EU itself, thereby suspending the entire process of European construction. 45
However, it would be a mistake to imagine Western European countries as incapable without US policies. A number of scientists believe that it was in the Kosovo conflict that Europeans began to regain political power. On this issue, the Western powers sought to focus on the points of agreement rather than on the differences that reign there.
During the discussion about the role of the EU in resolving the conflict in Kosovo, we are mainly talking about the four leading participants, Great Britain, Italy, France and Germany, who are members of the Contact Group. It also includes Russia and the USA. During the Kosovo conflict, the positions of the four European powers came closer together than at any time during the entire crisis in Yugoslavia. Having different views on this problem, they were forced to come to a common solution that would meet at least some of their interests. This political course is an important condition for strengthening Europe’s position in the process of establishing a multipolar world in the 20th century.
In the Balkan crisis, Italy, for the first time since the Cold War, managed to prove itself as an independent political power, on whose decision the fate of the region depended. 46
The Kosovo conflict ended with the unilateral declaration of independence of the region on February 17, 2008. This event caused heated debate in the international community. At the end of April 2013, 99 of the 193 UN member countries recognized independence, 26 states are going to recognize the sovereignty of Kosovo, 65 states (including Russia and China) refuse to recognize the state’s self-determination. 47 The main reason for non-recognition is that the case in Kosovo can be an example for other nations who will demand independence from the state. Some countries defend the norms of international law, according to which there has been international interference in the internal politics of the state, thereby violating the fundamental principles of the UN.
Economic crisis: Italy and the European Union.
In the second half of 2011, the economic situation deteriorated significantly, Italy became the victim of speculative attacks, which significantly increased interest rates on loans. The problems of Italy, the third economy of the Eurozone, unable to meet its debt obligations, shook the entire continent and could lead to the collapse of the entire system of the Economic and Monetary Union. One of the main tasks of both foreign and domestic policy of the state was the need to convince allies, investors, shareholders, etc. of Italy’s ability to cope with the financial crisis.
The centre-right government led by Silvio Berlusconi has struggled to project a reassuring image abroad of Italy's finances and deeply polarized politics. This, coupled with the Berlusconi faction's shrinking majority, has led to growing skepticism over whether the government will be able to repay ever-increasing debts. Italy's financial problems and declining ability to convince opponents to balance the budget have caused a downward trend in the rating of Italian bonds by most international agencies. International mistrust in the government's ability to meet fiscal obligations and reform programs (agreed under EU pressure) aimed at overcoming the crisis added fuel to the fire. Realizing that Italy is one of the key players in the eurozone, and that the current situation could lead to the bankruptcy of the economic system, the institutions of the European Union and the main EU countries such as France and Germany began to push the Italian authorities to implement these economic and structural reforms necessary to to “pull” Italy out of the economic abyss.
The turning point came in early November 2011, when the gap between German and Italian government bonds reached unsustainable levels, increasing the threat of an Italian default. Faced with internal and external pressure, S. Berlusconi eventually resigned. His center-right government was replaced by a technocratic one led by internationally recognized economist Mario Monti. A new government, composed entirely of independent experts, was formed on November 16 and was well received by international partners. The appointment of M. Monti, a well-known European Commissioner with a reputation as a supporter of free markets, was widely perceived as a sign of deeper European integration. Empowerment contributed to the immediate restoration of Italy's relations with European partners, especially Germany and France, as well as improved relations with US President Barack Obama.
The strength and weakness of the government of Mario Monti.
Having received significant financial support from Giorgio Napolitano, the head of the Italian state, and other senior figures in Italian politics, M. Monti concentrated his efforts on establishing policies on fiscal obligations and structural reforms. Having experience as an international expert as European Commissioner for the Internal Market from 1994-1999, M. Monti learned the lessons of the previous cabinet regarding relations with the main countries of the eurozone. The appointment of M. Monti to the dual post (Prime Minister and Minister of Finance) opened a new chapter in relations between Italy and Europe, contributing to the restoration of diplomatic relevance in the EU. The distinguishing feature of Monti's government, which is widely appreciated by the public, is its independence, apolitical profile, an exceptional situation in the political arena, in a country where for years left-leaning or right-leaning parties dominated. The working relationship between ministers was also more relaxed than in previous cabinets, making cabinet decision-making easier.
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Introduction
2. Italy-Israel
3. Italy-Afghanistan
4. Italy-Libya
7. Economic crisis: Italy and the European Union
8. Strengths and weaknesses of the Mario Monti government
9. International policy of Italy in the context of the economic crisis
10. Transformation of Italy-EU relations in 2010-11
11. Italian politics at the height of the Arab Spring
12. Italy and the USA in crisis
Conclusion
List of sources used
Introduction
Over the past 60 years, all Italian governments have tried to maintain a balance between three directions of foreign policy, which are pillars today: NATO and the Atlantic Partnership, European integration and the Mediterranean region. It is especially difficult to find a common policy that respects US interests on the one hand and EU interests on the other.
Relevance of the research topic. One of the important topics in the study of modern international relations is the adaptation of the state to the challenges of a changing world. The state, as the main actor in the system of world politics, is at the center of the ongoing transformations. The unknown of development paths after the collapse of the bipolar system, transnational integration processes, terrorism, the aggravation of a number of local conflicts, attempts to interpret international law more freely - these and other problems that the world community had to face at the turn of the millennium began to directly influence not only the external, but and on the internal politics of states. The events that took place gave rise to lively discussions about rethinking the concept of sovereignty, and the right to humanitarian intervention of foreign states.
Europe is affected by the most serious changes. Firstly, this is due to the high level of supranational integration within the EU, which is a distinctive feature of the region. In addition, after the end of the Cold War, Europe, which is one of the “main fronts” in the Cold War, underwent the most significant geopolitical changes after its end: a change in ideological guidelines and socio-political formations, bloody interethnic conflicts, etc. That is why it is especially important to trace changes in the international system using the example of European states. In this regard, some of them are of particular interest. The end of the confrontation between the USSR and the USA made it possible to pursue a more independent domestic policy, both at the global and regional levels. Italy can also be considered one of these countries. Italy became the border party. It occupies an intermediate position between the West and the East, between Africa and Europe. Politically, it was a Western democracy bordering on the socialist bloc. The fate of the country was determined by the game of two opposing superpowers; this applied to all international issues affecting Italy: from the former Italian colonies to membership in the UN. The typical “middle state” activated its policies in the 1990s, becoming a participant in the “world of protagonists.” This was due largely to security reasons, because the Balkan crisis flared up in the immediate vicinity of the Apennines, so Rome needed to take serious measures to resolve it.
Italy is a state with rather poor natural resources. That is why the balance in foreign policy between the European Union and the United States, domestic interests and foreign policy is of particular interest for study.
The object of the study is the foreign policy of the Italian state after the Second World War, with special attention to modern times.
The subject of the study is the main factors influencing the adoption of the foreign policy course of the Apennine Peninsula.
Hypothesis. The contradictory policies of European integration on the one hand and cooperation with the United States on the other force Italy to balance between East and West, Europe and America in an attempt to solve its political, financial and economic problems with minimal losses.
The purpose of the work is to identify the main priorities of Italy in the international arena, taking into account the events of the 2000s. Based on this goal, the following tasks were set:
Ш Consider Italian foreign policy after the end of the Cold War, the main processes in which Italy was directly involved.
Ш Find out the position of Italy during the economic crisis of the 21st century.
Ш Analyze Italy’s relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as highlight the main points of their cooperation.
Ш Consider Italy's views on the main challenges of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
Ш Identify the role of Italy in the implementation of US and EU policies.
Ш Trace the parallel of changes between domestic and foreign policy in the 21st century.
Methodological and theoretical basis of the study. When writing the work, methodological tools characteristic of world politics, the theory of international relations, regional studies, the theory of political systems, and regional studies were used. Theoretical concepts are closely intertwined with the practical activities of the Italian authorities, focused on adapting Rome to the challenges of our time. During the study, the following techniques and methods were used:
Ш Comparative method for comparing expert concepts and analyzing the activities of the country's leadership on the topic being studied;
Ш Typological method in developing concepts of homogeneous groups in the political thought of Italy.
Ш Analytical method for analyzing individual theories and practical steps of the Italian leadership, both in foreign and domestic policy.
Ш Historical-descriptive method, which provides systematization and analysis of factual information.
Source database. The sources used can be classified as follows:
Ш Documents of international organizations in which Italy takes part (UN, EU, NATO, Council of Europe, etc.);
Ш Press articles, interviews, speeches prepared by prominent Italian politicians;
Ш Memoirs of public and political figures directly involved in making foreign policy decisions in Italy;
Ш Reports from news agencies;
Ш International agreements of Italy;
Ш Official reports, speeches and statements of persons directly influencing the country's politics: the president, chairman of the council of ministers, minister of defense, minister of foreign affairs, heads of chambers of parliament, etc.
Ш Official documents of foreign countries concerning Italy;
Ш The Italian Constitution, program documents of political parties and movements, laws and other legal acts;
Ш Databases, studies compiled by international structures studying foreign policy problems.
The chronological framework of the study covers the period from March 1994 to April 2013. The lower chronological regime is very conditional and is explained by the holding of elections, as a result of which the first government of S. Berlusconi came to power. The upper limit of the study is the end of the powers of the legislature of M. Monti. However, in order to understand the development of foreign policy, in order to identify the specifics of Italy’s relations with individual states, the work also provides historical facts after the end of the Second World War - when new tactics were needed to build an international course with foreign countries.
Scientific novelty of the research. The innovation of the work is explained by the lack of study in the domestic literature of Italian foreign policy after the resignation of the government of S. Berlusconi, as well as the influence of the economic crisis on the change in Italy’s position in the international arena.
The work obtained new results:
Ш The role of Italy in the main conflicts in Europe, North Africa and the Middle East at the end of the 20th and beginning of the century has been studied. XXI century;
Ш The main courses of foreign policy during the governments of S. Berlusconi and M. Monti are considered;
Ш Changes in external priorities during the financial crisis of the 2000s are analyzed;
Ш The goals and objectives of Rome in the Middle East, Europe and North Africa were studied;
Ш The main contradictions between the foreign policy courses of Italy and NATO, Italy and the EU, etc. are considered.
1. Italian policy in the Middle East issue
At various stages of its development, the Middle East conflict caused painful divisions within NATO. The first split occurred in 1973, when the United States decided to airlift ammunition and military equipment to Israel. All Western European NATO member countries refused to provide their airfields; only the Netherlands and Portugal allowed it. The main reason for the refusal was the fear of the spread of the oil embargo imposed by Arab countries for providing assistance to Israel. Italy categorically prohibited the use of its bases for the transfer of military force to the Middle East, fearing being drawn into a conflict and spoiling its relations with Arab countries.
A favorable attitude towards Israel within the country, characteristic of all political forces in Italy, except for A. Fanfani in the Christian Democratic Party, in the 70s was replaced by a policy of “equidistance” from the conflicting parties. Since the 1970s, the Italians have been insisting on the implementation of Resolution 242 adopted by the UN General Assembly on the Palestinian problem. This resolution was approved by all 15 members at the 1382nd meeting of the UN Security Council on November 22, 1967. The resolution demanded the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied during the conflict and called for an immediate end to the state of war and all aggressive declarations. And also the recognition of the right of each state to sovereignty, to live in peace, to have safe and recognized borders without threats and violence.
The position of “equidistance” in the conflict in the Middle East opened up wide opportunities for Italy for mediation, but this policy limited the significance of official positions and statements. Despite the need to apply the resolution “in all respects,” the Italian government did not specify whether it was in favor of a complete liberation of the territories occupied by Israel or a partial one.
During the events of 1973, Italy's line in the Middle East was clearly characterized by an orientation toward the Arab states. During this period, the contours of the Italian-Israeli contradictions emerge most clearly. In the event of an embargo on oil supplies (Italy imports 80% of oil from Arab states), the government puts forward a proposal in April 1973 to liberate the part of Sinai captured by Israel, as well as solve the problem of the Suez Canal and provide international assistance to the Sadat regime.
However, the proposals were not taken seriously by either the US or Israel. The “equidistance” policy was a fiasco. At a meeting in Algiers in 1973, Italy was not included in the list of states friendly to the Arab world.
In 1974, when voting on the recognition of the Palestinian territories, Italy supplemented its demands with a clause - the complete liberation of the occupied territories. On October 14, 1974, Italy spoke out for recognition of the rights of the people of Palestine.
The position of Italy, following the example of France, contradicted the position of other Western powers and the United States. The aggravation of the oil problem is pushing the Italian government to conclude bilateral agreements with Arab countries similar to the agreement concluded between France and Iran and providing for the supply of industrial equipment in exchange for oil. italy foreign policy
Since 1973, Italy has become an active participant in the development of a common policy of the European Economic Community on issues of the Middle East, while emphasizing that “a solution to the conflict should not be imposed by two superpowers, but would be the result of a joint discussion of all interested parties.” The Italians hoped that a coordinated policy among the EEC countries and the establishment of stronger ties between the Arab world and Western Europe would help transform the Mediterranean into the sphere of economic and political influence of the integration association. Le attivita" e le competenze della Direzione Generale per I Paesi del Mediterraneo e del Medio Oriente / www.esteri.it
Italy made a significant contribution to the formation of the “common” Middle East policy of the European Community, entering into extensive contacts in the Middle East. In 1977, the European Council approved the statement of the Nine countries on the principles for resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, which reflected the main position of Italian policy - the demand for the withdrawal of Israelis from all Arab territories that were captured by Israel in June 1967. And also the inadmissibility of adopting any resolutions that violate the progress of negotiations, respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries in this region. Within internationally recognized and guaranteed borders, ensuring the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people with the creation of their own state. This was publicly discussed during the visit of Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti to Saudi Arabia in August 1977.
With the signing of the Camp David Accords in 1977, Italy officially took over the US position. However, fearing sanctions from Arab states that condemned the Egyptian-Israeli deal, Italian politicians never tired of emphasizing that this is “only the first step.” Accessed 04 May 2013.
The country's public was negatively impressed by Italy's participation in the operation in the Sinai Peninsula, along with Great Britain, the Netherlands and France. Italian Foreign Minister Enrico Colombo convinced senators that “participation in a multinational force makes it possible to expand the scope of state action.” He stated that international forces do not pose a danger to the Arab territories Giordano G. “Aspetti e momenti di storia diplomatica dell"Italia contemporanea”, Roma, Arane, 2005. P 52. .
In 1982, Italy stood together with its EEC partners to defend the unity and independence of Lebanon, against the Israeli invasion, which threatened the lives of the Lebanese and prevented the Lebanese government from restoring control over the entire territory of the state.
A unified position in Rome regarding Iran's policy has not been formulated. Italy did not comment in any way on the events taking place in the ruling circles of Iran. This behavior is explained: on the one hand, by the economic interests of Italy, which needs Iranian oil, and on the other hand, by loyalty to the United States.
2. Italy-Israel
Over the past decades, relations between Italy and Israel have not attracted international relations specialists and foreign historiographers. Only in the last few years has the situation changed and scholars have begun to address this issue, especially regarding the relationship of center-left parties to Israel and Palestine.
Considering relations with the Republican Party of Italy (Partito Repubblicano Italiano) and the Radical Party (Partito Radicale), it is possible to analyze diplomatic relations over the past fifty years and characterize them as “officially unfriendly”, which have no prerequisites for either rapprochement or deterioration. This was definitely an initiative of Italy, which, having no relations with Israel, did not want to harm relations with the Arab world. The Italian position towards Israel can be described as “under the shadow of the Arab states” Tremolada Ilaria, “All" ombra degli arabi. Le relazioni italo-israeliane 1948-56 dalla fondazione dello stato ebraico alla crisi di Suez. Milano, 2003. P12-14. In fact, the Italian government carefully avoided any political course towards Israel, thereby avoiding difficulties, even to a lesser extent, in relations with the Arab world, both politically and economically.
This position remained unchanged throughout the 1950s. On the contrary, the term neo-Atlanticism (neoatlatismo) appeared, a new policy in the Atlantic region, which implied a rapprochement between Italy and the United States, which allowed Rome to pursue an autonomous policy in the Mediterranean. Giovegnoli Agostino & Tosi Luciano, “Un ponte sull"Atlantico. L"alleanza occidentale (1949-1999), Milano, 2003, P 57-59. After the fighting in June 1967, under the leadership of Aldo Moro (one of the most significant political leaders of the Christian Democratic Party), Italy began to pursue a pro-Arab policy. The government was also supported by the Communist Opposition Party, which supported the USSR's course in the Middle East. The policy is explained by the economic crisis that followed the oil shock in 1973. At the same time, Italy began to support the Palestinian cause, as shown by the opening of the Palestine Liberation Organization office in Rome in 1974. La Volpe, Alberto. "Diario Segreto di Nemer Hammad ambasciatore di Arafat in Italia", Roma 2002, P44-46. A few years later, in June 1980, thanks to the efforts of Foreign Minister Emilio Colombo, the Council of Europe adopted the Venice Declaration on the Middle East, which recognized the “legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination” and supported agreements regarding a peace settlement, calling for a diplomatic solution to the conflict. Panayiotos Ifestos, “European Political Cooperation. Towards a Framework of Supranational Diplomacy? Aldershot, 1987. P458-462.
During the 1980s, the Italian government under Bettino Craxi also maintained a pro-Arab and pro-Palestinian foreign policy. For the first time, a series of high-level meetings were held, during which the participants adhered to the course of rapprochement with Rome. Relations with Israel reached their height of tension in October 1985, with the attack by four terrorists on the Italian ship Achille Lauro. Carlo Maria Santoro “L"Italia e il Mediterraneo. Questioni di politica estera”, Milano, 1988, P 122-125. The end of the First Republic led to a change in the internal political system of Italy. Bilateral negotiations in Oslo between Israel and the PLO and, as a result, “ The Declaration of Principles "signed on September 13, 1993 in Washington, as well as the change in political forces in Italy, forced us to reconsider the foreign policy course and take an "equidistant position" in relation to the two sides. The government under the leadership of Silvio Berlusconi played a large role in the settlement.
It is possible to talk about fundamental changes only during the second term of Silvio Berlusconi's premiership (the first government was in power for only 8 months - May 10, 1994 - January 17, 1995 and hardly influenced the course of Italy's foreign policy). The second (2 June 2001 - 23 April 2005) and third (23 April 2005 - 17 May 2006) governments made a significant contribution to the development of Italian-Israeli relations.
Within five years, there were four foreign ministers: Renato Ruggiero (June 2001 - January 2002); after his departure, the duties were temporarily filled by Silvio Berlusconi, Franco Frattini (November 2002 - November 2004) and Gianfranco Fini (November 2004 - May 2006).
It is interesting to consider the reasons why Renato Ruggiero decided to retire. Before taking up the post of Foreign Minister, he served as Director General of the World Trade Organization. It is obvious that he was appointed to the post of minister under pressure from President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, as well as other senior officials, including Gianni Agnelli, the owner of FIAT. Zuccolini, Roberto. “Ruggiero il migliore ministro degli Esteri”, Corriere della sera, 21 Maggio 2001. Ruggiero decided to leave the government only a few months after his appointment, primarily due to skepticism towards the EU expressed by other ministers, in particular the Minister of Defense Antonio Martino , Minister of Economy Giulio Tremonti and Minister of Reform Umberto Bossi. Ruggiero said that he left his post because of the “continuity” and “heterogeneity” of the foreign policy course being pursued. Thus, arguing that Italy is not following the previously proclaimed pro-Washington direction. Greco, Ettore and Raffaello Mattarazzo, “Italy's European Policy and it's Role in the European Convention”, The international Spectator, 3 (2003), P 125-130. Having become Minister of Foreign Affairs, Silvio Berlusconi announced that Italy was adhering to the previously declared policies, which was embodied in Rome's partnership strategy with the EU and the United States. Aliboni, Roberto, "Neo-Nationalism and Neo-Atlantism in Italian Foreign Policy", The international Spectator, I (2003), P 81-85.
Was Silvio Berlusconi's policy “continuous” or sharply different from the course pursued by his predecessors? Was Ruggiero right that relations with the US were more important to Berlusconi than with the EU? Was Berlusconi right to place equal emphasis on cooperation with Brussels and with Washington? On this issue, scientists are divided into two camps: 1) Those who claim that S. Berlusconi has changed the course of Italian foreign policy and 2) those who, on the contrary, see continuity in policy. (Emphasising that the style and tactics of negotiations have changed, but the essence remains the same). Brighi, Elisabetta, “One Man Alone? A Longue Duré approach to Italy’s Foreign Policy under Berlusconi”, Government and Opposition, 2 (2006), P 278-282.
Pietro Ignazi is a proponent of the first point of view. He believes that, despite the policy of cooperation proclaimed by S. Berlusconi, both with the United States and with Western countries, the head of government is pursuing a policy of “stricter loyalty” towards Washington than towards Brussels. Ignazi Piero, “Al di la dell"Atlantico, al di qua dell"Europa: dove va la politica estera italiana,” Il Mulino 2 (2004). P267-276. Ettore Greco, Director of the Institute of International Relations in Rome, notes that the Italian government “is pursuing a pro-European course rather than a traditional approach, thereby expanding the circle of its political allies.” Aliboni, Roberto and Greco, Ettore "Foreign Policy Re-nationalization and Internationalism in the Italian Debate", International Affairs, 1 (1996) P 43-51. Sergio Romano also writes about “changing established priorities.”
However, diplomat Osvaldo Croci considers S. Berlusconi’s policy to be continuous: “If Berlusconi made changes to Italian foreign policy, then this only concerns the style and manner of negotiations, but not the substance.” The situation in Iraq is cited as evidence, which clearly expresses the “consistency” of the course. In fact, Rome is trying to mediate between two positions: the United States on the one hand and Brussels on the other. “The position of the Berlusconi government was not new, it was just that in the course of the manifestation of a firmly established chosen course, Italy tilted towards Washington at the same angle as towards the Alps and the Mediterranean region.” Croci, Osvaldo “The second Berlusconi Government and Italian Foreign Policy,” Italian foreign Policy survey, The international Spectator, 2 (2002). P 90.
Citing different opinions, it is not easy to correctly answer the question of how radically the course has changed within the framework of the paradigm of “continuity” and “variability.” Nevertheless, regarding the issue of relations with Israel, we can say for sure that S. Berlusconi radically changed the traditional course, not only formally, but also essentially (substantively).
The first manifestations of a change in attitude on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be observed in the left-wing government of 1996-2001. One of the main roles in the coalition was played by the Democratic Left Party (Democratici di Sinistra). In April 1999, Israeli Foreign Minister Ariel Sharon arrived in Rome on an official visit. Italian Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema expressed a desire to promote the peaceful resolution of the conflict, as well as to pursue a balanced policy. Compared to the 70-80s, the center-left government took a completely opposite direction, when it took a course of “equal distance” from both Israel and Palestine Molinary, Maurizio "L" interesse nazionali. Dieci storie dell "Italia nel mondo", Bari-Roma, 2000, P 5-7. .
It is necessary to cite a number of episodes demonstrating the variability of Italian foreign policy towards Israel. First of all, this is the “Marshall Plan for the Palestinians,” which was never implemented, but was presented for the second time during S. Berlusconi’s official visit to Israel in February 2010. Initially, assistance was expected in the amount of 6.2 million euros. Italy could only cover part of the declared amount. Giampaolo Cadalanu, “Piano Marshall per la Palestina ma Israele deve avere pazienza,” La Repubblica, 20 September 2003. The decision was based on a humanitarian approach rather than a political one, according to which the economic development of the Palestinians is the key to a peaceful solution to the Israeli Palestinian conflict. The Italian government's decision departs from the traditional approach, in which the "boot" was focused on political objectives and actively supported Palestine in the struggle for self-determination.
15 April 2002 Italy refuses to support a resolution affirming “the right of Palestinians to fight against occupation in order to achieve their independence,” thus fulfilling one of the goals and objectives of the UN. Commission of Human Rights, fifty-eight session, agenda item 8. “Question of the Violation of Human Rights in the Occupied Arab Territories, Including Palestine”, 9 April 2002. According to the Italian delegation, it is impossible to approve this document, paying attention only to human rights violations by Israel, without mentioning terrorist attacks against the Israeli population. Britain and Germany were wary of criticism of Israel's policies and voted against the resolution. Austria, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, France and Sweden voted in favor. Italy and Poland abstained. The Italian delegation demonstrated that if further resolutions clearly favor one of the parties, the government will not sign them.
On December 11, 2002, S. Berlusconi made a sharp statement during the official visit of the Israeli President to Rome that he would no longer have direct relations with the Palestinian authorities. "The door closed for Arafat after the clash in Netanya." (March 29, 2002, in an attack against the Israelis, 30 people were killed by a Palestinian bomb. Accessed May 5, 2013.). In fact, this is not true, because Gianni Letta, the Deputy Prime Minister, met with the Palestinian Minister for Cooperation a few weeks earlier Ragionieri, Radolfo "Il conflitto israelo-palestinese", L"Italia e la Politica Internazionale, ed. Alessandro Colombo and Natalino Ronzitti, Bologna, 2003, P 228. However, this statement clearly demonstrates the Italian policy in defense of Israel at the international level.
In June 2003, a few weeks before Italy's EU presidency, the government made two important announcements aimed at warming relations with Israel. The first is a memorandum of cooperation in matters of defense and military industry, approved on June 16 and approved by the Italian parliament in February 2005. Second, during his second visit to Israel, Silvio Berlusconi refused to meet with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. This behavior is very strange for a European leader, which caused sharp criticism from other EU members who were against Arafat’s marginalization from political life Dapas, Romano “Mancata visita ad Arafat, la Francia critica Berlusconi”, Il Messaggero, 17 June 2003. .
In September 2003, at a meeting of the Council of General Affairs and External Relations, Foreign Minister Franco Frattini agreed with other EU representatives to include Hamas on the list of terrorist groups, which the United States had already done in January 1995. This position is completely contrary to the behavior of the government in June 1980, when the Minister Foreign Affairs Colombo asked the European Community to consider the Palestine Liberation Organization as political and not terrorist. It is noteworthy that F. Frattini promised Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom that Italy is always happy to provide its territories for negotiations with European countries on international cooperation Menachem Gantz's interpretation, “Israele si fida di Roma e spera che si possa superare il veto francese ", Il Foglio, 28 August 2003. .
The situation has not changed with the appointment of Gianfranco Fini as Minister of Foreign Affairs. In an interview with the newspaper La Stampa, he commented on the death of Yasser Arafat from Israel: “This is a historic day for the establishment of the state of Israel “Fini: fu troppo ambiguo nei confronti del terrorism” La Stampa, 12 November 2004.”
In January 2006, after Hamas's victory in the parliamentary elections, S. Berlusconi said that these were “very, very, very bad results” and called on EU countries not to recognize the Hamas government unless it accepted three conditions: recognition of Israel, acceptance of all agreements signed PLO and the commitment to stop violence. /0.7340,L-3207248, 00.html . Accessed April 25, 2013.
During S. Berlusconi's visit to Israel on February 1-3, 2010, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed gratitude to the head of the Italian state: “You are a brave politician who constantly defends the interests of Israel. Under your leadership, relations between our countries and peoples are constantly expanding. Italy is one of the closest friends in Europe and in the world. Israel is proud to have such a friend in Europe in Silvio Berlusconi. On behalf of all the people, I want to tell you: we respect you, we bow before you. Welcome to Jerusalem!” Accessed April 28, 2013. .
There are several reasons for this drastic change in the Italian government's policy. One of them is economic, but it is not dominant. The main motives must be analyzed based on the political and ideological situation in the country. The first reason is directly related to the foreign policy course: proximity to the United States, which characterizes Berlusconi’s policy, and automatically forces Italy to take the side of Israel. The second reason is related to the creation of a pro-Israel political party, the National Alliance, which is the heir of the Italian Socialist Movement (MSI), as well as the formation of an ideological and cultural environment of Islamic orientation.
With the collapse of the national alliance and the creation of the “Forward Italy!” parties, the Northern League, the attitude towards Israel did not change. These parties have not expressed a definite position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but their policies depend on their leader, Silvio Berlusconi. As for the Northern League, their position is entirely based on the internal situation in the country. The party did not have a definite position until the events of September 11, 2001, their position is to reduce the increasing number of Muslim migrants in Italy. Marzano, Arturo “Italian Foreign Policy Towards Israel: The turning point of Berlusconi Government (2001-2006), Israel Studies, volume 16 number 1, P 95.
3. Italy-Afghanistan
The Italian contribution to the revival of the free democratic republic of Afghanistan dates back to the early 1990s, when members of the Afghan royal family chose Rome in order to improve relations with the international community, as well as to secure international assistance and support for the reconstruction of the state. Italy's contribution to resolving the conflict is evidenced by the appointment of two Italian diplomats, Ettore Sequi and Fernando Gentelini, as the main representatives of the EU and NATO on civil affairs in Afghanistan.
Italian troops have been in Afghanistan since January 2002 as part of the International Security Assistance Force (ISEF). The military force includes 1,400 soldiers, two-thirds of whom are located in Kabul and one-third in Herat. Unlike the situation with Iraq, the Prodi government intended to continue fighting in Afghanistan. “Our troops are in Afghanistan, under the auspices of NATO, in accordance with the UN. We are proud to be part of these divisions. Our troops will remain there because we value all the missions in which we take part (there are 28 in total), each time analyzing the result that was achieved. By withdrawing troops from Afghanistan, we expose ourselves to the risk of isolationism, because Italy must fulfill its responsibilities in the context of world politics and economics. The war in Afghanistan is a preventive measure (after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001),” says Defense Minister Arturo Parisi Parisi, Arturo, “Ne" indifferenti, ne" isolazionsiti,” Corriere della sera, 14 June 2006. Accessed April 25, 2013. . “Moreover, Italy will act together with coalition partners. Italy cannot withdraw its troops on its own. We are NATO countries, with the EU and the UN, and Italy cannot leave the UN, NATO or the European Union.” Right there.
The Italian government does not reject the existing risks and difficulties associated, first of all, with the production of opium and the expanding intensification of the Taliban's military operations. The situation in Afghanistan today is extremely unstable, more and more people are afraid of terrorist threats. NATO, meanwhile, which was responsible only for security in Kabul and the relatively peaceful regions of the North and West of the country, under US command, began to conduct operations also in the southern territories. On the one hand, new NATO troops have arrived and will remain as long as necessary. On the other hand, the Taliban announced new battles, for which the new troops would be lightly attacked by Afghanistan: autobomba esplode davanto una moscea, otto vittime, La Repubblica 31 August 2006.
However, despite certain dangers and risks, a military presence is necessary to protect the civilian population and to secure the results of the changes that have been achieved. In addition to military assistance, economic and humanitarian assistance to the population should also be provided. Coalition partners must solve assigned problems together. The main goal of the mission in Afghanistan is to assist in the establishment of a democratic regime in the country, which is being suppressed by the Taliban. This is a long process of “state building”, which is far from perfect. However, Minister D'Alema is convinced that, first of all, the international community is interested in creating a peaceful and stable Afghanistan Mahncke, Jacob Christian “Continuity and change in Italy”s foreign policy under the Prodi Government. The case of Iraq and Afghanistan, Istituto Affari Internazionali, Rome, August 2006, P 10. 9 Accessed April 28, 2013. .
4. Italy-Libya
Mutual interest and the colonial past of the countries determine the nature of the relationship between these two states.
1912-1942 Libya was colonially dependent on the Kingdom of Italy. Moreover, the conquest of the territory of Libya continued until 1930 and a single colony of Libya, which united Cyrenaica, Fezzan and Tripolitania, was created only in 1934. The Italian government brutally suppressed uprisings against foreign occupation. However, despite the efforts of the Italians, who sought to attract the Arab population to their side, the anti-Italian movements were very strong. Nesterova T. P. “Mediterranean identity”: culture and architecture of Italy in the countries of North Africa in the 1920-1930s / News of the Ural State University No. 2 (75) 2010. S199-210. Such sentiments especially intensified after 1969, with the coming to power of Muammar Gaddafi, on whose orders over 20 thousand Italians living in Libya were expelled from the country, and all their property was confiscated in favor of the state.
However, trade continued to expand strongly, thanks to ENI, the state-owned Italian oil and gas company, which maintained a permanent presence in the country, even during a time of terrorism and international sanctions against Libya. Here it is also necessary to mention Libyan investments in Fiat Ronzitti, Natalino “The treaty on friendship, partnership and cooperation between Italy and Libya: new prospects for cooperation in the Mediterranean?” Istituto Affari Internazionali, Genoa, 2009, P 2.
The worst period in relations came in 1986, when Libya fired a missile that crashed into waters off the Italian island of Lampedusa. This event led to forced bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi by the United States. Libya was accused of promoting international terrorism. Being in international isolation, the state had to bring the terrorists to a Scottish court and pay substantial compensation to the families of the victims. The Security Council imposed sanctions on Libya in 1992 and only lifted them in 2003. Subsequently, the Jamahiriya undertook a commitment addressed to the Security Council not to take part (directly or indirectly) in international terrorist acts and to report terrorist intentions to use weapons of mass destruction. The United States only lifted the embargo in 2005.
One of the most important issues in resolving relations between Libya and Italy is the migration issue. Due to the “Pan-African” policy (visa-free regime for immigrants from African countries to the Jamahiriya), thousands of refugees from the southern and central parts of the African continent poured into the Italian peninsula. The Apennines have attracted illegal immigrants because they are the “gateway to Europe”, where the quality of life is several times higher than in African countries, in addition, there is the opportunity to find work in the informal sector of the economy. The Italian immigration policy also contributed to the stimulation of migration flows into the country, which, despite the tightening of rules and regulations, periodically held amnesties for illegal immigrants Maslova E. A. “Italy - Libya: the complexities of relationships and prospects for cooperation,” History. Sociology. Culture. Ethnography. Issue No. 4/ 2012. pp. 87-88. .
On August 30, 2008, the Government of Italy and the Government of Libya signed an agreement of friendship and cooperation. Under this agreement, Italy must invest $5 billion in Libya over 20 years. Libya, in turn, was to resume cooperation with Italy in the fight against organized crime, drug trafficking, terrorism and illegal immigration. To combat illegal immigration, Italians were expected to patrol the borders of Libya. The costs of maintaining patrol teams, in accordance with the agreement, were borne by Italy and the European Union on a parity basis. Zonova T.V. “Italy. From the First to the Second Republic,” M.: Ves mir, 2011, p. 151.
The consequences of the civil war in Libya were not only several thousand wounded and killed, but also many emigrants. Accessed May 03, 2013. . Streams of refugees poured into the Italian island of Lampidusa. They demanded not to return them back, but to resettle them in other areas of Italy. It is worth noting that several hundred Libyans were unable to swim to the island and died during the crossing, because... the boats were completely filled with people. The camps provided food, clothing, and temporary shelter, but the flow increased and the conditions of the camp deteriorated, which gave rise to new unrest on the island. The situation was complicated by the reluctance of European countries to accept illegal immigrants.
On April 11, 2011, the ministers of the interior and justice discussed the situation around the island of Lampedusa. Rome asked for help from EU countries, proposing to classify refugees as immigrants who left the conflict zone and evenly “distribute” the population among all 27 countries, but France, Great Britain and Germany refused to help, arguing that Italy is not a leader in receiving refugees. In response, the head of the Italian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Roberto Maroni, stated that “his country needs to run away - away from the European Union” Grebenkina I.V. “Italy’s policy towards illegal migrants after the Arab Spring: experience for Russia”, International Relations, 2012, P 72 . .
In mid-April 2011, the government approved a project under which immigrants were issued a temporary six-month residence visa, allowing their holders to move around the Schengen area. Many permit holders wanted to remain in France, which led to strained relations between Rome and Paris. In order to stop migrants, the French authorities closed the border with Italy to entry. The differences were settled at a bilateral summit in Rome at the end of April 2011, where Berlusconi changed his position, expressing that “the burden of immigration in France is five times greater than in Italy” Couloumbis, Theodore; Dessm Andrea; Donos, Dakos; Gorjgo, Paolo el at. “Southern Europe in trouble: domestic and foreign policy challenges of the financial crisis,” Cooperation of The German Marshal Fund of the United States (GMF) and Istituto Affari Internazionali, 2012. P 7. Accessed April 28, 2013. .
On September 22, 2011, immigrants started a riot on the island. They set fire to the newly renovated migration center, then fled in all directions. Some of the fugitives managed to get hold of gas cylinders and, seizing a gas station, threatened to blow up Access Island on May 03, 2013. . It is worth noting that the island of Lampedusa, thanks to its picturesque landscapes, favorable climate and unique marine fauna (Maltese-Pelagic), traditionally attracts tourists. In 2011, the tourist season ended before it even began.
In order to evacuate 65 thousand refugees, the international organization for migration asked the international community to allocate an additional 35 million euros. To solve the problem and provide humanitarian assistance, the EU allocated 30 million. Zonova T.V. “Italy. From the First to the Second Republic,” M.: Ves mir, 2011, p. 155
Another issue governing international relations between Italy and Libya concerns energy resources. Italy is one of the most dependent countries on energy suppliers, consuming large quantities of oil and gas. Russia ranks first in supplying Italy with gas (which also helps explain the personal friendship between Putin and Berlusconi), Libya is the second country, and the first, to export oil to Italy. Italy wants to expand the range of suppliers due to the Russian-Ukrainian gas crisis, although ENI (State Oil Industry Association) has an agreement with the Russian company Gazprom. In order to understand Italy's strategy in foreign policy, the reorientation of diplomacy, it is necessary to take into account the trade and economic interests that guide the country's leader Liberti, Fabio “Italian-Lybian relations”, Aljazeera network, July 2011, P 3. Accessed May 4, 2013 . .
5. Main goals of foreign policy in the Balkans
At the moment, the main goals of foreign policy in the Balkan region are: 1) Combining stability within countries and the effective functioning of their institutions, especially in the legal sphere. 2) Maintaining the gradual integration of the Balkans into the EU and NATO, with the intention of also realigning the Euro-Atlantic institutions towards southern Europe. 3) Prevent the formation of new nationalist movements in the Balkans (primarily in Serbia, Bosnia and Macedonia) 4) Stimulate the economic and social development of the region, with the further development of Italian trade and investment.
6. Italy’s position in the Kosovo conflict
Italy's relations with the Balkan countries are the result of political traditions, geographical location and cultural affinities. Events in the Adriatic region had a direct impact on Italy's domestic and foreign policy.
The Italian administration is forced to combine its purely pragmatic goals in developing countries with NATO commitments, which often contradict each other; the government must take into account the reaction of the conflicting parties, as well as its popularity in the developing world. The multiple goals pursued by Rome in conflict situations often lead it to making belated decisions and diplomatic defeats.
Trying to stop the endless flow of refugees, including through military and police measures, since the beginning of the conflict Italy took the side of the Kosovo Albanians. The press focused public attention on the actions of the Yugoslav police much more than on the terrorist actions of Albanian separatists from the Kosovo Liberation Army. Together with other Western European countries, Italy supported the decision, made under pressure from the United States, to use military force against the FRY in order to put pressure on the Serbian side Selikhova I. Yu. “Italian policy in NATO (goals, objectives, main directions)”, Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry , 2010. From 73. .
With the advent of the center-left government of Massimo D'Alema, a more balanced approach to solving the Kosovo problem was formed. Unlike his predecessor, Romano Prodi, the 77th Chairman of the Council of Ministers tried to avoid binding statements regarding the provision of bases on Italian territory for NATO aircraft in the event of attacks on the FRY A campaign has been launched in the Italian press accusing the United States of arming KLA militants (Kosovo Liberation Army) not only with funds of German or American origin, but also with mafia structures of Albanian emigrants operating on Italian territory, obtained, among other things, through drug trafficking.Gatti F. Dai soldi dell"eroino le armi per il Kosovo/ Corriere della sera/ 11 Giuglio/1998.
The main question was which side the Western countries would take after the application of military measures to the FRY. Italy was concerned that the country would be forced to enter the war against Serbia and Montenegro on the side of the Western alliance, with no idea of specific goals or military consequences. Caracciolo L. Morire per Pristina? La Trappola - Balcani // La Repubblica. - 1998. - 13.08.
On March 24, 1999, a NATO military operation against Yugoslav troops began. Great Britain, France, and Germany took part in it. Ankara, London and Rome provided their territories as staging points for US aircraft carriers.
Despite the fact that within NATO all decisions are made on the basis of consensus, not a single European country dared to block the military action, which, however, was adopted without consideration by the UN Security Council. If one of the members had used the right of veto, this would have inevitably entailed not only a severe crisis within the alliance and a sharp deterioration in relations with Washington, but also split the EU itself, thereby suspending the entire process of European construction. Rubinsky Yu., “The policy of Western European powers regarding the Kosovo crisis”
However, it would be a mistake to imagine Western European countries as incapable without US policies. A number of scientists believe that it was in the Kosovo conflict that Europeans began to regain political power. On this issue, the Western powers sought to focus on the points of agreement rather than on the differences that reign there.
During the discussion about the role of the EU in resolving the conflict in Kosovo, we are mainly talking about the four leading participants, Great Britain, Italy, France and Germany, who are members of the Contact Group. It also includes Russia and the USA. During the Kosovo conflict, the positions of the four European powers came closer together than at any time during the entire crisis in Yugoslavia. Having different views on this problem, they were forced to come to a common solution that would meet at least some of their interests. This political course is an important condition for strengthening Europe’s position in the process of establishing a multipolar world in the 20th century.
In the Balkan crisis, Italy, for the first time since the Cold War, managed to prove itself as an independent political power, on whose decision the fate of the region depended. Avtsinova E. V. “Italy’s participation in crisis resolution (on the example of Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo) MGIMO, 2011, P 48.
The Kosovo conflict ended with the unilateral declaration of independence of the region on February 17, 2008. This event caused heated debate in the international community. At the end of April 2013, 99 of the 193 UN member countries recognized independence, 26 states are going to recognize the sovereignty of Kosovo, 65 states (including Russia and China) refuse to recognize the state’s self-determination. The main reason for non-recognition is that the case in Kosovo can be an example for other nations who will demand independence from the state. Some countries defend the norms of international law, according to which there has been international interference in the internal politics of the state, thereby violating the fundamental principles of the UN.
7. Economic crisis: Italy and the European Union
In the second half of 2011, the economic situation deteriorated significantly, Italy became the victim of speculative attacks, which significantly increased interest rates on loans. The problems of Italy, the third economy of the Eurozone, unable to meet its debt obligations, shook the entire continent and could lead to the collapse of the entire system of the Economic and Monetary Union. One of the main tasks of both foreign and domestic policy of the state was the need to convince allies, investors, shareholders, etc. of Italy’s ability to cope with the financial crisis.
The centre-right government led by Silvio Berlusconi has struggled to project a reassuring image abroad of Italy's finances and deeply polarized politics. This, coupled with the Berlusconi faction's shrinking majority, has led to growing skepticism over whether the government will be able to repay ever-increasing debts. Italy's financial problems and declining ability to convince opponents to balance the budget have caused a downward trend in the rating of Italian bonds by most international agencies. International mistrust in the government's ability to meet fiscal obligations and reform programs (agreed under EU pressure) aimed at overcoming the crisis added fuel to the fire. Realizing that Italy is one of the key players in the eurozone, and that the current situation could lead to the bankruptcy of the economic system, the institutions of the European Union and the main EU countries such as France and Germany began to push the Italian authorities to implement these economic and structural reforms necessary to to “pull” Italy out of the economic abyss.
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Tsykalo Alla Vitalievna. Main directions of foreign policy of the Italian Republic at the present stage: Dis. ...cand. watered Sciences: 23.00.04 Moscow, 2006 198 p. RSL OD, 61:06-23/269
Introduction
Chapter 1 Foreign policy of the Italian Republic in the modern era: concepts, main directions, features 18
L Formation of Italy’s foreign policy after the end of the Cold War 18
2, Main priorities of Italian foreign policy 29
Chapter 2 Italy’s priorities in the field of regional and subregional security: Mediterranean direction, European and international organizations, structures and forums 79
L Foreign policy of Italy within the European Union. Activities of Italy in the Council of Europe
2. The Mediterranean as a priority of Italian regional policy 90
3. Balkan security issues in Italian foreign policy (AIIuCEI) 108
4. Italy and the main security institutions (OSCE, NATO). Activities of Italy in the G8 129
Chapter 3 The Russian vector of Italian foreign policy: results and prospects 142
1. Interaction between the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic in the formation of a global and European security and cooperation architecture
2. Main aspects of Russian-Italian cooperation at the present stage 147
Conclusion 184
List of used sources and literature 183
Introduction to the work
Over the past 15 years, the foreign policy of the Italian Republic 1 has been characterized by a significant increase in the country's international activity, both in Europe and throughout the world as a whole. This happened on the basis of the country’s new foreign policy ideology developed by the Italian authorities, according to which the system of international relations is characterized by the end of the period of strategic uncertainty in the world after the collapse of bipolarism and the transition to a new system of rules of the game in international relations based on concepts the main players (in Italian - the concept of the “world of protagonists” - Note A.Ts.). Italy itself is striving to become one of these players who, in the new conditions, have a decisive influence on the course of world development.
Based on this concept, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlined for itself a range of regions and problems in relation to which Italy is called upon to carry out a special mission on behalf of the world community and have special responsibility for their development in the context of globalization. The Italian Foreign Ministry considers such regions to be the Mediterranean, the Balkans, the countries of the Horn of Africa, as well as the countries of Central Europe in the context of the expansion of the European Union (EU). It is very characteristic that at the same time, Italian officials adopted liberalist interpretations of international relations, which was practically not characteristic of them before. If in the previous period Italy’s desire to increase its influence on certain international problems was explained in traditional terms of the concept of national interest, then at this stage the country’s state ideology is increasingly beginning to dominate references to the moral values that Italy is the bearer of and which it must bring and to selected regions of their “special responsibility”.
In the last decade of the 20th century, having intensified its foreign policy both in resolving the crisis in the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and in the Mediterranean region as a whole, Italy sought to enter with full rights into the circle of powers involved in resolving these conflicts, as well as directly participating in the developing process of Euro-Mediterranean integration, which took shape within the framework of the Barcelona process.
Relevance of the work determined by the following main factors.
Firstly, Italy is a member of the UN, the G8 group of countries, the EU, OSCE, the Council of Europe, NATO and other international, European and regional organizations, an influential and authoritative player in the world and European arenas. Italy also has a powerful industry and agriculture, is consistently among the top ten world leaders in terms of industrial production, and is constantly expanding investment projects around the world. The country has a highly developed scientific potential, and the achievements of Italian culture, education, tourism and sports are known throughout the world. All this together allows the country to pursue an active foreign policy, put forward major initiatives, influence the course of events in Europe and other regions of the world, and increase the country’s already significant participation in the activities of international organizations.
Thus, the study, analysis and generalization of the theory and practice of this country’s foreign policy are fundamentally important - they contribute to the understanding and taking into account in the practical activities of Italy two important points that are key to international politics:
Trends in EU and NATO policies (Italy is one of the countries
2 At the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st centuries. Italy ranked 7th-8th in the world in terms of industrial production, and was among the second ten leading countries in terms of GNP per capita. The volume of Italian investments abroad in 2002 amounted to 7.4 billion euros (according to 2005, over 15 years, the volume of Italian investments in Russia amounted to more than 1 billion US dollars), Strannik, Electronic directory of countries of the world. See website: ht^://\vww.euro-rcsidentju/riews/15l.htmIi^p.
forming the “old core” of the EU and NATO, and its role in this group of countries is significant and visible);
General main directions, main guidelines and ideology of the policies of the countries of the Western world (despite its pronounced national specifics, Italy is in many ways a typical Western, European country, the problems of which are in many ways similar or identical to the problems of the Western community and its members) 3.
Secondly, Italy is consistently and persistently intensifying its activities in the international arena, strengthening itself as one of the influential participants in the global political process.
The intensification of Italy's foreign policy is carried out on the basis of the country's new foreign policy strategy developed by the Italian leadership. Within the framework of the emerging “world of protagonists,” to which Italy includes itself, it officially defines national priorities. At the beginning of the 21st century, the most important segments of Italian “responsibility” to the world community, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers the country’s participation in such ongoing international processes as the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan, the post-crisis settlement of events in the Balkans, as well as its presence in the process of EU enlargement, especially in the Central and Eastern Europe (TWO).
Third, The country's status as an influential regional power and its geographical location oblige Italy to pursue an active security policy, primarily in the Mediterranean region, currently strategically important from the point of view of world politics and economics for the following reasons:
Thus, commenting on the outbreaks of violence in immigrant ghettos in large French cities at the end of October November 2005, the former head of Euric and the leader of the Italian left, and now the Prime Minister of Italy, R. Prodi said, for example, the following; “Italy is not too different from France. What is happening now in the Parisian suburbs will sooner or later happen here too.” See: Kovalenko Yu. We will arrange Baghdad for you // Izvestia. November 8, 2005. SA
Since ancient times, the Mediterranean has become the intersection of interests of different countries,
peoples and civilizations, one of the main transport arteries of humanity,
and today the destabilization of this artery can have unpredictable
consequences;
The security situation in the region has worsened due to
uncertainty of the Middle East settlement, actions
united coalition in Iraq and Afghanistan, the intensification of terrorism,
religious extremism and national separatism in areas adjacent to
Italy states, a number of North African countries, as well as other threats and
challenges (illegal migration, illegal arms trade, drug trafficking).
Of particular concern are a number of problems in other areas - economics,
ecology, which can also destabilize the situation in the region and
need a solution.
Being exposed to these threats, in full or in part, Italy is pursuing a policy in this region that objectively contributes to the recovery and improvement of the regional situation 4 . There is no doubt that a lot depends on the position of this country, and here the field opens up for joint work between the countries of these regions and Italy.
Fourthly, positioning itself as an important factor in stable development and security in Europe and its subregions, Italy fully supports and itself puts forward large-scale initiatives in the field of cooperation, interaction and integration (Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe (IOBE), Adriatic and Ionian Initiatives, etc. .) 3 deserve special attention and analysis.
Thus, Italy pursues a very liberal policy towards immigrants, although in general there is a tendency in the EU to tighten it (each EU country sets its own quotas for accepting immigrants). Such a policy, despite all its burden for the state budget, is designed to stem the wave of illegal immigration, relieve the severity of the immigration problem and eliminate a dangerous source of social tension in the region. Italy has repeatedly held amnesties for illegal immigrants, and the country has received several hundred thousand immigrants in some years. In February 1999, the Italian government adopted a decree granting residence permits to all foreigners who applied for legalization, but did not achieve it in previous years . The number of foreigners who received a residence permit in Italy by decree was about 250 thousand people. See: Chernysheva O. Legislative amnesty for illegal immigrants: the experience of Western countries // Immigration policy of Western countries: alternatives for Russia. Ed. G. Vitkovskaya; International Organization for Migration. Moscow Research Program on Migration. M., Gandalf, 2002.
Fifthly, deserves deep study, the positive experience of practical cooperation accumulated by Russia and Italy over the past 15 years, Italy occupies an important place in Russian foreign policy, political relations between Russia and Italy are more constructive and trusting than with other leading Western states.
In this regard, the study of the main trends in Italian foreign policy seems very important and relevant for Russia. Understanding Italy’s position on issues of security and cooperation in Europe and the world as a whole will allow domestic diplomacy to more effectively pursue its own line in various directions in these areas. Knowledge of the basic patterns and priorities that determine Italian foreign policy will undoubtedly contribute to a qualitative forecast of what kind of response certain undertakings and efforts of Russia in the international arena will cause in Rome, as well as what kind of initiatives Italy itself can put forward. All this will extremely useful for promoting Russia's national interests in Europe.
From the relevance and connection of the work with the modern realities of world and European politics, it logically follows scientific novelty, the main elements of which are as follows:
- Firstly, in generalization, critical analysis and systematization
conceptual developments of Italian foreign policy thought,
carried out under the direct influence of changes in the world at the end
XX - early XXG centuries;
Secondly, in considering the foreign policy of the modern Italian state in the context of globalization, its broader vision from the point of view of the processes of integration and regionalization, refracted through the prism of the interrelations and interdependencies of the modern world;
Thirdly, in understanding - based on detailed analysis - and assessing the intensification of traditional and development of new areas of Italian foreign policy, taking into account the strengthening role of the latter
as one of the leading Western countries (initiatives in the field of security policy, expanding participation in peacekeeping and presence in the regions, establishing connections with new partners);
fourthly^ to substantiate the need for a more holistic, systematic approach to the study of the peculiarities of the foreign policy of modern Italy, necessary to overcome a certain “lightness” of ideas about the Italian factor in international politics;
fifthly, in an attempt to find, analyze and generalize the positive impact of Russian-Italian cooperation on the entire complex of relations between Russia and the West, projecting the imperatives of this cooperation onto the development of Russia’s strategy in the western direction, as a general line of long-term actions, taking into account the highest interests of the country, as well as in specific proposals on optimization and forecasting the development of relations between Russia and Italy.
The object of the dissertation research is the Italian Republic and its relations with the outside world.
As subject of research The work examines Italy's foreign policy: its basic guidelines and their changes in the post-bipolar period, the motives and features of their implementation in the context of globalization, integration processes and the emergence of new challenges and threats.
Theoretical and methodological basis research is a method of system analysis in combination with other basic approaches or methods to scientific analysis in political science (institutional, sociological, comparative historical). The combination of these methods, as well as the dialectical principle of considering phenomena, facts and events, ensured a high degree of objectivity, validity of assessments and conclusions, and allowed the author to fully and comprehensively reveal the features of the evolution of a complex object under the influence of the inextricable connection of foreign and domestic policies. Considered as a system with its own hierarchy, components, levels, inputs and outputs, the Italian external
politics at the same time is conceived as an important regulator and stabilizer of the entire set of international relations in Europe, as well as a global link between it and Russia and a number of other regions.
Goal of the work- identify the main directions, priorities and objectives of Italian foreign policy, the level of their compliance with the imperatives of global and regional processes in the development of international relations at the present stage, as well as the degree of compliance with the tasks of realizing the national interests of Italy, taking into account the role and place of the latter as an influential player in the world and European arena.
Achieving this goal required setting and solving the following research tasks:
Describe the main dominants and attitudes of the Italian foreign
policies before the end of the Cold War and identify the main
prerequisites, reasons and vectors for the formation of a new foreign policy
course of Italy in the context of the breakdown of the “bipolar” world order and the emergence of
a world of new challenges and threats;
reveal the essence, course and results of internal political Italian discussions regarding the development, additions and optimization of conceptual and practical approaches to the conduct of foreign policy of the Italian state at the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st centuries, taking into account the approaches put forward in this matter by the leading political forces of Italy;
analyze and summarize the essence of changes in Italy’s foreign policy strategy during the period under review, build a gradation of the main priorities of the country’s foreign policy based on a systemic vision of the interrelations and interdependencies of Italy in the world and European communities, as well as real and potential channels for projecting its influence in various regions and countries;
reveal the role and place of Italy in integration processes on a global scale and within the framework of the united “greater Europe”;
characterize modern Italian approaches and positions in the field
regional and subregional security, consider specific examples (regions, subregions and individual countries) of the implementation of the external course of the Italian Republic in its main directions;
To provide a brief background on relations between Russia and Italy, to examine in detail their current state, the main areas and opportunities for expanding cooperation between the two countries, as well as to reveal the effects produced and the prospects for their interaction in the field of politics, economics, strengthening international peace, stability and security, as well as promoting various multi- and bilateral large-scale integration projects in Europe,
Taking into account the scientific concept of this dissertation specified in the above-mentioned goals and objectives, as well as on the basis of the analysis carried out in it, as proposals submitted for defense, the following are defined:
Italy is a large and influential state, quickly and confidently moving from the category of “middle countries” to the position of one of the leading powers in world and European politics,
Awareness and discussion about the new role and place of Italy in the international arena after the end of the Cold War led to a change in certain traditional and an increase in the number and significance of new foreign policy priorities of the country, to a noticeable intensification of its foreign policy course, its initiative in a number of directions, including Russian .
At the present stage, Italian foreign policy is aimed at expanding comprehensive international cooperation and integration, strengthening global stability, peace and security, solving global problems and providing assistance to states in need, and spreading democracy in the world.
The main foreign policy priority for Italy remains participation in Western integration structures, primarily in the EU and NATO,
coordinating the efforts of their members and supporting the implementation of their joint projects in the military-political, integration and other fields.
5. Along with the integration vector in Italian politics, the
the desire to project one's own influence as independent,
independent factor in other countries and regions, primarily in
Balkans and Mediterranean, the main instrument for implementation
Italian interests in this case are - in addition to its political weight as
influential member of the Western community - trade and economic
opportunities, investments, availability of funds for development assistance programs.
At the same time, justifiably acting as a cultural “superpower”,
Italy has additional opportunities to strengthen its position in
other regions and countries, for example in Latin America. Military and
the military-political potential of this country allows it to expand its
participation in peacekeeping operations, actively acting as a “cosponsor”
peace process in conflict resolution (in some cases this is
due to history)
6. Italy is one of the key partners among Western countries
for Russia, their positions on many important issues of international
policy and development coincide; Italy, for example, is sympathetic to
Russian concerns arising from EU enlargement and
NATO, the threat of terrorism in the Russian south, etc. It is with Italy that Russia
reached one of the highest levels of its external relations, for
for a short time the countries became important trade and economic partners
for each other, and the potential for their cooperation in this and other areas
practically inexhaustible. All this creates the preconditions for the formation
Italy in the role of a “bridge” between Russia and the West, as well as a wide
interaction in the international arena. The trend towards rapprochement between the two countries,
to their movement towards each other as reliable partners
confirm many indicators and determine many factors, firstly
turn - mutual interest in cooperation. All-round development
Relations with Italy are beneficial for Russia for the highest reasons of its foreign and domestic policy - especially since we can confidently predict the further strengthening of Italy’s position, both in the world and in a number of regions.
Degree of scientific development of the topic* The chosen research perspective touches upon several groups of issues, the degree of development of which varies. Italian issues are widely commented on and discussed in political and economic circles, as well as in the media. However, at the same time, the coverage of the issues under consideration was narrow and specialized - either comments and assessments of an economic and technological nature predominated. In the domestic expert community, Italy’s approaches to global problems and European politics (the latter), which, as a rule, were viewed as harshly, were also poorly understood. fit into the context of EU and NATO enlargement, i.e. without taking into account the presence of significant nuances in Italian approaches. At the same time, in the scenarios and models of its development proposed by domestic experts and politicians, there is a wide range of points of view, which required their generalization.
When covering the regional politics of Italy, the main attention, as a rule, was paid to the vectors of regional and external contradictions, the balance of power and the political processes derived from it. Various concepts of regional development, integration models and development forecasts were speculative and abstract in nature, one way or another, sliding towards the provisions of the school of “realism” in international relations, operating with the concepts of “strength”, “balance of forces” necessary to ensure “national interests”.
A large number of scientific works and articles are devoted to the development of relations between Russia and Italy. They set out various assessments, opinions and forecasts. The author proceeded from the fact that only an objective, justified and supported by facts from the past and present assessment of events and trends allows us to reproduce the real picture of modern relations between Russia and
Italy, to determine the problems and prospects for the development of these relations. In general, it cannot be unequivocally stated that, scientifically, the issue of Russian-Italian relations has been fully and comprehensively studied,
Exhausted by research bala* The study of the problems of Italian foreign policy and the development of its relations with Russia required the development of a significant array of sources and literature, a complete picture of which can be given by breaking it down into groups.
This study was prepared based on the author’s study of a wide range of sources - official documents, speeches and speeches of political leaders, various scientific works and publications, Italian, Russian and foreign periodicals, and the Internet. When writing the work, the author used several groups of sources and literature.
First group compiled scientific works that formed the conceptual and theoretical framework of the work. This group includes sources and literature, based on which the initial philosophical, conceptual, theoretical and methodological principles of work were developed (both in terms of methodology and individual components of modern political science - the theory of international relations, political philosophy, regionalism, conflictology, etc.). d.). This includes research by such domestic political scientists and experts as N.K. Arbatova, VT. Baranovsky, T.V. Zonova, I.S. Ivanov, A.S. Panarin, E.M. Primakov, etc. Among foreign authors, we should first of all mention such political theorists and thinkers as R. Aron, S. Goldsberg, R. Dahrendorf, R. Keohane, A. Cohen, D.L. Mitchell, E. Herzig , S. Hirshausen et al.
Second group sources included officially published documents from Italy, the European Union and NATO, speeches and interviews with representatives of the Italian political establishment, reports, speeches and statements by leading politicians in Italy, Western Europe and Russia on
issues of integration, documents of Russian foreign policy and official speeches of the leadership of the Russian Federation.
To the third group include works on key problems of Italian foreign policy. The most extensive body of literature is represented by the school of domestic Italian studies. The works and works of Russian researchers cover various aspects of Italian foreign policy, including history and modernity.
A separate large topic that is the focus of attention of domestic scientists is the history of relations between Russia and Italy, including the general political context, and the work of ILS. Grigorieva 6, K.E. Kirova 7, O.V. Serova 8 and other historians 9.
It is also worth mentioning the works of O.N. Barabanova 10, A.S. Protopopov (main trends in Italian foreign policy in the post-war period 11), TV.Zonova 12, A.V. Vanina 13, N.I/Grofimova 14, (evolution of relations between Italy and the USSR), B.R. Lopukhov (Italian approach to the initial stages of the integration process in Western Europe within the framework of the ECSC-EEC (5), P.A. Vares (relations between Italy and the USA in the second half of the 20th century, 16), V.I.
5 Constitution of the Russian Federation // Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation. M., 1993; External concept
politics of the Russian Federation // Rossiyskaya Gazeta, July 11, 2000; Concept of national security of the Russian Federation //
Approved by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 24 of January 10, 2000 // Independent Military Review (weekly
supplement to Nezavisimaya Gazeta). January 14, 2000; Medium-term development strategy for Russia's relations with the EU
perspective (2000-2010). In the book: Ivanov I.D. European Union: structure, politics, relations with Russia,
M: “Scientific Book”, 2001; Kolli kti a paya strategy of the European Union V relation to Russia // Modern
Europe- L g 2 3],
2000; NATO Strategic Concept // Independent Military Review (weekly
supplement to Nezavisimaya Gazeta) April 16, 1999, etc.
6
Grigorieva I.V., On the history of revolutionary social relations between Russia and Italy in the 60-90s. XIX century M.
196V.
7 Kirova K.E. Russian Revolution and Italy, March-October 1917. M. 1968.
y Serova O.V. Gorchakov, Cavour and the unification of Italy. M. 1997; Serova O.V. Garibaldi's campaign and Russian diplomacy // Russia and Italy. Issue 2. M.1996. P.112-136.
9 For more details, see: Mnziano K.F. history of the Risorgimento in the studies of Soviet historians. // Italy V works of Soviet historians, M.: IVI AN SSSR. 1989, pp. 103-107.
Barabanov G.H., Italy after the Cold War: from a “middle power” to a “world of protagonists.” M.; ROSSPEN. 2002.
11 Protopopov A.S. Italian foreign policy after the Second World War. M. 1963
12 Zonova T.V. Soviet Gallian relations in the 70s. XX century //Lenin's policy of peace and security of peoples
from XXV To XXVI Congress of the CPSU. M. 19S2.
13 Vanin A. Soviet-Italian relations. Problems. Trends. Prospects. M. 1982.
14 Trofimov N.I. USSR-Italy: cultural ties (history and modernity). M. 1980.
15 Lopukhov B, R. Fascist and anti-fascist version of “Europeanism” V Italy- // Mediterranean and Europe:
historical traditions and modern problems, M. 1986; It's him. Italy if Europeanism (on the path to European
community).//Problems of Italian history. 1987. M 19S7.
16 Vares P.A. Rome A Washington. A story of unequal partnership. M. 1983.
Gantman, VAT. Arbatova (Italian foreign policy in the 1970s - 80s), V.P. Gaiduk (foreign policy concepts of one of the leading political forces in Italy in the second half of the 20th century - the Christian Democratic Party), K.G, Kholodkovsky (perception of politics by various social groups in Italy). V.B. Kuvaldina 21 (the influence of the Italian academic community on the process of developing foreign policy), etc.
The author received serious assistance in developing methodological approaches from the works of scientists of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs - EL. Bazhanova, A.V. Bursova, E.A., Galumova, V.E. Dontsova, T.A. Zakaurtseva, V.N. Matyasha, A3. Mitrofanova, G.K., Prozorova, P.A. Razvina, G.A. Rudova, N.P. Sidorova, G.N. Smirnova, A.G. Zadokhina, K.N. Kulmatova, A.D. Shutova 22,
To the fourth group included monographs and publications of a wide range of specialists - historians, political scientists. Since Italian topics are represented even more extensively in foreign historiography, the research also reflected the works of Italian and Western European authors.
Among the Italian researchers on the problems of Italian foreign policy, one should name G. Lenzi, A. Missiroli and A. Politi (security problems, Institute for Security Studies, formerly working under the auspices of the WEU, and now the EU), L. Tosi (research on the history of Italy’s relations with various international organizations - UN, IMF, EU, etc. 23), M.
17 Gantshn VL Foreign policy of Italy at the turn of the 70-80s // Italy. M 1983,
18 Arbatova H.K. External policy of Italy: the process of formation and implementation - M, 1984; It's her.
Mediterranean direction of Italian foreign policy // Problems of capitalist foreign policy
states in the 80s. M. 1986; It's her. Main trends in Italian foreign policy in the 80s. // MEiMO. 1957.
№
I. She is* The left forces of Italy about the future of Western Europe // MEiMO. 19S8, No. 11.
19 Gaiduk V.P. Christian democracy in Italy (60-70s) - M-1985,
2a KholodkorskyK, G. Italy; the masses and politics, the evolution of the social-political consciousness of the working people in 1945-1985, M, 1959; It's him. Party-Iardament system of the Perlon Republic of Italy: historical conditionality and crisis.//Evolution of political institutions in the West. M: IMEMO. 1999.
21 Kuvaldin V.B. The intelligentsia in modern Italy: position, psychology, behavior. M. 1973.
22
Bazhanov E.P. Current problems of international relations. In 3 vols. M, 2002. Eazhanov E.P. America: yesterday
and today. M.: Izvestia, 2005. In 2 volumes. Bazhanov E.P. Modern World, M: Izvestia, 2004, etc.
23 L "ltalia e le organizzazioni intemazionali: diplomazia multilaterale del Novecento / A cura di L. Tosi. Padova: CEDAM.
1999.
Panebianco and A. Di Stasi (“G8” from an EU perspective). N. Roncitti (legal aspects of international conflicts, reflecting realities
post-bipolar world), F, Andreatta (activities of international institutions to ensure security in the world and to implement in practice the concept of collective security), L-Caracciolo, (futurological concepts of the role of Italy in Europe and the world, the future world order), S, Silvestri (Institute international affairs (Istituto Affari Internazionali, IAI, the Institute publishes the English-language magazine “International Spectator”), S. Rossi (research on Russia).
Fifth group sources and literature included materials from Italian, Western European and Russian periodicals, and other media, including the Internet.
Sixth group compiled materials for doctoral and candidate dissertations defended at the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other Russian universities.
In addition to the mentioned elements of scientific novelty, scientific and theoretical significance The research consists of another attempt to update regional studies topics, emphasizing the special scientific and theoretical significance of studying the problems and prospects for the development of modern Italy, as well as the potential and prospects of Russian-Italian cooperation.
Concerning practical significance of this dissertation, then it is first of all advisable to recommend it for application in practical activities to Russian government structures that are responsible for the development of the conceptual framework and practical implementation of Russian foreign policy in the Italian and European directions, as well as coordination of interaction in this area, namely: the Government and The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, other interested domestic ministries and departments, Committees of the chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, its legislative and executive authorities, management and curators
24 RapeNapco M., Di Stasi A. L"Euro-GS: la nuova Unlone europea nel Gruppo degli Otto. Torino
25 Ronzitti N. Diritto intemazionale del conflitti amiaiL Torino: G.Giappichelli. 1998.
?& Andreatta F, Isiiruzioni per la pace: teoria e pratica della sicurezza collctliva da Versailles all ex Jugoslavia. Bologna: H Mulino.2000.
issues of Russian-Italian cooperation in the constituent entities and regions of the country. The work, undoubtedly, may be in demand by the bilateral Russian-Italian Council for Economic, Industrial and Monetary and Financial Cooperation, as well as Russian business, scientific, educational centers cooperating with Italy,
The dissertation author’s comprehensive approach to the analysis of Italian foreign policy, built on specific facts and data, makes the work a valuable aid in the preparation of information and reference materials, proposals and recommendations, practical and scientific-theoretical developments on the problems of Italy, the development of European integration and Russia’s relations with Italy and Europe , in connection with which, it is advisable to recommend the dissertation for use by scientific and analytical centers, experts, teaching staff of higher educational institutions for the preparation of lecture courses, special courses, teaching aids - primarily at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and at MGIMO (U) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, as well as in other Russian universities of the relevant profile, focused on training international affairs specialists.
Structure of the dissertation research is determined by the logic of achieving the goal and solving the assigned tasks. The dissertation consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion and a list of sources and literature.
Approbation of work. The main provisions submitted for defense were tested in scientific publications of the author of the study, as well as in speeches at scientific conferences and round tables on the topic of the dissertation
Main priorities of Italian foreign policy
Region of North and South America. The policy of the Italian Republic towards the USA and Canada is part of the transatlantic dialogue, which is important both for the EU and for Italy itself, in matters of developing relations with Washington and Ottawa (NATO allies and G8 members). As for the countries of South America, it can be said that the consolidation of democratic systems in Latin America and the growing mutual understanding between Italy and the countries of this region in discussing international problems have created strong ties that help to cooperate in the fight against poverty, support for development and regional integration with MERCOSUR (Mercosur).
Assessing the state of economic cooperation between Italy and the designated region as a whole, it is worth noting that the American continent is the second largest market for goods exported from Italy, after the EU. Of course, the approach used for economic-cultural penetration is not the same everywhere. In North America, Italy prefers to strengthen its presence in sectors related to education and culture, as well as scientific high-tech enterprises, thus ensuring the competitiveness of its business- In Latin In America, the scale of Italian penetration into the economy and trade depends on the cycles in the economies of the countries in the region. Thus, such a differentiated approach is necessary, on the one hand, in order to increase the visibility of the Italian presence in times of economic growth, and on the other hand, in order to find ways to maintain the level of this presence during periods of economic downturns. Italy has developed a consistent economic policy that has previously been guided by immediate interests, rather than strategically important prospects.” In this region, Italy also relies on the introduction into the economy and the development of small and medium-sized businesses1.
Creating an image of Italy is another challenge faced by the Italian Foreign Ministry. In North America there is still a distorted image of Italy due to outdated stereotypes, while in South America the country is still seen as the "homeland" of many Italians living there. Considering the situation as a whole, Italy is a kind of “standard” of culture for some countries in the region: Italian traditions in linguistics, law, architecture and music have become an integral part of the national identity of many Latin American countries. Therefore, Italy is working to strengthen its existing presence in the region. Along with the usual programs for the development of the Italian language, art, literature and other initiatives that contribute to the restoration of the Italian-American architectural heritage, an important project has emerged to develop cooperation with universities in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. This project aims in the future at the mutual exchange of information, technology, the creation of human resources and increasing the population of Italian origin.
Of particular importance for Italy are, of course, ties with the United States. The bilateral dialogue between Italy and the United States is called the “alliance that unites the Atlantic”1. A common heritage of civilizations, common values and special ties, which the United States has recently begun to deepen and expand with Italy, have formed current relations between Italy and the United States. Both of these factors, manifested in many directions, proved fruitful for both countries. Increased American interest in Italy revealed many commonalities between the countries, which in turn brought Italy and its “greatest ally” closer together. 2 From the Italian perspective, the United States liberated Italy from German occupation and, thanks to the Marshall Plan, became the main architect of the post-war order, the guardian security of the country, the anchor of the West during the Cold War and, finally, the main center for the dissemination of common cultural patterns.
From the United States' perspective, Italy has always been an important ally and "global partner," especially given Italy's openness to dialogue and mediation among various elements of the global community. During the Cold War, Italy provided its territories extending to the Balkans and the East, thereby providing the US with an important geopolitical advantage. With the end of the confrontation between the two blocs, the importance of this aspect ceased to be of paramount importance, and Italy's strategic importance now stands out as cultural strength. Today, this aspect is the fulcrum of Italian influence on American society, which is extremely susceptible to the influence of external culture and talent. Partially for this reason, the concept of the Italian lifestyle has permeated the collective imagination of the American people, who over time adopt new ideas through fashion, traditional cuisine and wines. On the other hand, the Italian American community, the fifth largest ethnic group in the United States, has become an unprecedented force in the development of cultural and economic ties between the two countries.
At the political level, the main views depend on strengthening partnerships between the two sides of the Atlantic, which will lead to the formation of a common "civilization" based on a common development model. This is an inevitable and significant test in response to a terrorist offensive that has tested transatlantic solidarity. Italy acts in accordance with the objectives of reaffirming solidarity, especially in the field of military cooperation, participating in the coalition against terrorism, Operation Enduring Freedom2 in Afghanistan and the subsequent mission “Ancient Babylon”3 in Iraq. As a result, thanks to its reliability, Italy can work where it is necessary to revive the traditional forms of cooperation of NATO4, UN5, taking advantage of dialogue and mediation.
The Mediterranean as a priority of Italian regional policy
The problems of the Mediterranean region have always occupied an important place in the foreign policy activities of the Italian Republic1.
Let us first consider the policy of Italy as a country belonging to the EU in this region2. The issue of relations between the European Economic Community and Mediterranean "third countries" (TMCs) arose in the early 1960s, when France emphasized the need to strengthen the trade interdependence dating back to colonial times between some European and Mediterranean countries.
The strategy in this area - the so-called "Global Mediterranean Policy", covering the period from 1976 to 1990 - was defined on October 19, 1972 at the Paris EU Summit. The central theme was the opening of free access to European markets for goods manufactured in the Mediterranean countries. But the result was more than modest, partly due to the crisis in the European textile industry, which imposed a “self-restriction” on exports from the Mediterranean partners of the Mediterranean region, and partly due to the expansion of the EU to the south (accession of Spain, Greece and Portugal - 1974). .
In June 1990, the European Commission submitted a document regarding the "New Vision for the Mediterranean Policy - Proposals for the Period 1992-1996", the start of which was defined as the New Mediterranean Policy. The subsequent Regulatory Council held in December 1990 defined structure for supporting regional projects, especially in the field of the environment, and developing new forms of cooperation with the countries of the Mediterranean basin1.
But the real turning point in the policy of the EU and Italy as its member was the Barcelona Conference2, held on November 27 - 28, 1995. For the first time, fifteen member states of the European Union and twelve countries located south and west of the Mediterranean (Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, the Palestinian Authority, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Cyprus and Malta) agreed to sign the final document - the Barcelona Declaration, and adopt a program to work towards expanding the market, assistance and mutual integration in the security, human rights and tolerance sectors attitude towards cultural and religious diversity.
The process started in Barcelona - this great strategic, political and economic resource for the countries taking part in it - is today “a fundamental laboratory for dialogue and cooperation”3. The stability of relations between these countries, despite the constantly emerging situations of tension in various areas, testifies to the reliability of the begun and now irreversible process aimed at creating a region of peace and prosperity of the Commonwealth of the Mediterranean Countries - Europe1.
The Barcelona Conference (November 27-28, 1995) laid the foundation for a real “European-Mediterranean Area” (EMA), a global unified policy of all acceding countries considered together as a single geographical legal entity. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership was built on two complementary levels - one regional and the other bilateral - through the signing of mutual agreements between the EU countries and the countries of the Mediterranean region2.
The goals of the European Union are obvious; to strengthen, it needs to secure its southern borders, beyond which there is a hotbed of conflicts and terrorism that directly threatens the EU; too obvious economic lag in the southern and eastern regions of the Mediterranean basin can be fatal for the economies of the countries located in these regions and undermine their natural market; the demographic explosion in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East can cause illegal immigration of an increasingly younger population, which sees the European Union as a kind of “Eldorado”; and, to top it all, thanks to the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the EU ensures the dissemination of its political and moral values (rule of law, fundamental freedoms). At the same time, the EU asserts its identity, independent of the “Western”, that is, American.
The Barcelona Declaration was signed by foreign ministers, but it is the European Commission that implements it. It often sets “draconian rules” that create financial conditions and develops a sequence of certain actions. This is not about blaming the European Commission, without which
The Barcelona Declaration would remain on paper, but the fact is that it reproduces methods that are inapplicable to a completely new political institution.
Italy and the main security institutions (OSCE, NATO). Italy's activities in the G8
During the Balkan crisis, Italy developed a persistent desire not only to emphasize its full and unconditional commitment to all the actions of the North Atlantic Alliance, but also to demonstrate that it participates in all NATO initiatives. This behavior in foreign policy is associated, first of all, with global changes that have occurred in the official foreign policy ideology of the Italian Republic. Italy began to position itself as a global and European “protagonist”, and not as a “middle power” as it was before, Italy took an active part in KFOR, and also received its own sector when Kosovo was divided into zones of responsibility. All this directly contributed to a change in Italy’s rhetoric regarding NATO. In the spring-summer of 2000, it was the Italian contingent in KFOR that turned out to be the largest in number: this also gave the Italians grounds to emphasize their significant role in the development of the alliance.
Another reason for such an active presentation by the Italian side of its activity in NATO is the desire to change the image of Italy, which was formed in Washington and in other leading capitals of NATO member countries in the early days of the North Atlantic Alliance's operation in Yugoslavia. At that moment, Italy was tossing around, there was a tough internal government struggle in the country - a number of parties of the former ruling coalition (the Greens and the party of Italian communists Armando Cossutta) demanded Italy's immediate refusal to participate in hostilities, Massimo D'Aleme, who held the post of Italian Prime Minister at that time I had to give several unpleasant explanations to my NATO colleagues and make a lot of effort to assure them of Italy’s “allied loyalty.” As a result of the protracted resolution of these internal contradictions, Italy began to participate in the Kosovo operation only around the second decade of April 19991
These actions reflected Italy’s interpretation of the anniversary decision of the 1999 NATO Washington Summit. The essence of NATO’s new strategic concept, according to the Italians, was that in order to strengthen international security, the North Atlantic Alliance must help prevent conflicts, and also, if necessary, undertake to crisis management, incl. through military operations - At the same time, in parallel with anti-crisis activity, the alliance must become the protagonist of dialogue and cooperation with all countries of the Euro-Atlantic region in order to create and strengthen an atmosphere of trust there.
Another characteristic feature of modern NATO European policy, which Italy constantly focuses its attention on, is the desire of the Italians to constantly emphasize that the defense initiatives put forward at the European Council summits in Cologne and Helsinki in 1999 were not only aimed at cooperation with NATO, but they are also unable to function except under the NATO umbrella. In this regard, the Italians are trying their best to dispel fears that European military activity will have any negative impact on transatlantic solidarity. Italy has understandably special geopolitical reasons to fear a possible split in NATO. The above-mentioned openness of Italy to the Mediterranean world, the vulnerability of the country’s maritime borders led to the fact that for Italy it has always been of paramount importance to maintain a reliable American “umbrella” that ensures its security in the Mediterranean. In this regard, the cautious and actually pro-American position that Italy officially voices regarding the activation of the military dimension of the EU in connection with the CFSP and CSDP becomes quite understandable. The year 1995 became a key year in the country’s Mediterranean policy. This was due both to active preparations for the first “Euro-Mediterranean” conference in Barcelona, held at the end of the year, and to a number of important innovations in the military-political sphere in this region, as well as the fact that under the government of L. Dini Italy began to pursue a more diversified foreign policy and partly shifted its priorities from the Balkans to the Mediterranean1.
Due to the significance of all the above problems, the presence of a clearly developed and agreed upon Italian Mediterranean policy with its partners acquired paramount importance. The emphasis on coherence of actions and the developed principles that were common and acceptable to all countries in the region was characteristic of Italy in previous decades. For example, back in 1972, Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro put forward, by analogy with the CSCE, the initiative to create a Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Mediterranean. However, then his idea hung in the air. A return to it occurred at the turn of the 1980-1990s, when Italy actively promoted Mediterranean cooperation programs within the EU and NATO. At the same time, Italy proceeded from the awareness of the Mediterranean as a single and integral region and saw one of the main tasks as the formation of a Mediterranean similarity to the OSCE. An active protagonist of the idea of a Mediterranean CSCE “from Morocco to Iran” was the Italian Foreign Minister at the turn of the 1980s-90s. Gianni De Michelis1. In this, the Italian approach differed from the position of France, which preferred to be based primarily on relations with those countries, incl. and bilateral, which were of primary interest for national policy2.
Within NATO, the main point of Italy's Mediterranean policy was the fight against the threat of Islamic terrorism. The danger of Islamic terrorism and the threat of uncontrolled proliferation of weapons of mass destruction was directly stated during his visit to Italy in mid-February 1995 by then NATO Secretary General Willy Claes. Therefore, Italy persistently emphasized the need to turn NATO's attention to the south. Partly to implement these proposals, on February 8, 1995, the North Atlantic bloc decided to begin negotiations with five non-European Mediterranean states - Egypt, Israel, Morocco, Tunisia and Mauritania - precisely on a joint strategy to prevent the threat of Islamic terrorism. Other Mediterranean states began to be involved in NATO military programs. So, for example, at the beginning of 1995,
joint Albanian-NATO military exercises, in which Italy also took an active part.
The Italian-backed increase in NATO activity in the Mediterranean took place against the backdrop of discussions about how significant the American military presence in the region is for Europe. In fact, the issue came down to whether the Europeans were able to independently establish effective defense of their southern coasts, or whether they still required decisive US support to ensure this. It was also important for the United States to predict how its southern European allies would behave in the event of a possible large-scale crisis in the Mediterranean.
Main aspects of Russian-Italian cooperation at the present stage
In the period from 1992 to the present, a new era in relations between Russia and Italy was practically opened, a legal framework corresponding to the level of these relations was developed and formalized, basic foreign policy approaches to each other were adjusted in the context of new European realities, and received specific content potential for cooperation in key areas.
Russian-Italian relations are built on the basis of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of October 14, 1994 and the Action Plan in relations between the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic, signed on February 10, 1998. The Action Plan covers the period until 2017 and includes everything aspects of bilateral cooperation1. Currently, more than 20 political documents are in force between Russia and Italy.
The successful development of bilateral relations is based on a solid economic foundation. Italy is Russia's fourth largest trading partner (after Germany, Belarus and Ukraine). It is the second largest Russian importer (7%) and the fifth largest supplier, providing 4.8% of Russian imports. In Russia there are about a thousand joint Russian-Italian companies and more than 200 Italian companies, including six banks.
Recently, there has been a tendency to intensify Russian-Italian investment cooperation, carried out on the basis of the intergovernmental Agreement on the Encouragement and Mutual Protection of Investments, signed in April 1996 (came into force in July 1998). The largest project of Russian-Italian cooperation in recent years has been the creation, with the participation of Russian and Italian companies, of a gas pipeline for the supply of Russian natural gas (Blue Stream) across the Black Sea to Turkey and Western European countries1.
Main issues of bilateral trade and economic
cooperation is considered by the Russian-Italian Council on Economic, Industrial and Monetary and Financial Cooperation, which has held seven meetings since 1999. Within the framework of the Council, there is a Committee of Entrepreneurs of the two countries.
According to available data, in the first half of 2005, the volume of trade turnover between the two countries amounted to $10.6 billion, which is 55% more than the same period in 2004. Italy is becoming one of the leaders in economic relations with Russia, the Russian President said V. Putin, opening negotiations with Italian Prime Minister S. Berlusconi, ITAR-TASS reports, the President of Russia expressed satisfaction with the development of trade and economic cooperation with Italy and noted the active cooperation between the regions of the two countries. “Italy is confidently taking one of the leading positions in relations with Russia in the field of economic cooperation,” he said. “I must note that our trade and economic ties are developing in the most positive terms,” V. Putin emphasized, “In the first six months this year we have increased trade and economic relations by 55 percent compared to the same period last year.” “This is a record in Russia’s relations with developed industrial countries,” he added1 “What is especially pleasant, thanks to your initiative, relations between various regions of Russia and Italy are actively developing,” the head of state addressed S. Berlusconi. Speaking about regional ties between Russia and Italy, V. Putin noted that according to this indicator, Italian business is among the leaders.
The main areas for attracting Italian investment are the food industry, the production of electrical appliances, leather processing, the automotive industry, electricity and trade. There are about a thousand joint ventures operating in various sectors of the economy. A major support in this work is the Italian experience of creating industrial districts, the initiative to transfer which to the Russian side was made by Berlusconi at a meeting with V. Putin in Sochi in 2002. This initiative, which is already being implemented in a number of Russian regions, received additional impetus after the recent adoption Law on special economic zones in the Russian Federation.
In August 1999, the Italian side submitted to the Russian Foreign Ministry the document “Implementation of the Common EU Strategy towards Russia, Italian-Russian Cooperation.” It specifies the general guidelines of the European Union for the development of interaction with Russia in relation to the practice of Russian-Italian relations in various fields; the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs requested the opinions of interested Russian departments and received positive responses and proposals. At the Russia-European Union summit in Helsinki on October 22, 1999, VLutin, then still the head of the Russian Government, presented to the EU leadership a Strategy for the development of relations with the European Union on
2000-2010, the basic foreign policy guidelines of which are as follows:
the strategic nature of Russia's partnership with the European Union was confirmed;
The basis for cooperation continues to be the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement;
Particular emphasis is placed on the development of interaction in specific areas of trade, investment, industry, science and technology;
The goal is not only to use the EU's potential in the interests of development in these areas in Russia, but also to provide assistance, especially scientific and technological assistance, to the countries of the European Union, taking into account Russian achievements;
Given the upcoming enlargement of the EU, special importance is given to cross-border cooperation;
The development of cooperation with the EU in the fight against organized crime and international terrorism becomes a priority;
Attention is paid to increasing business interaction between Russian and European business circles within the framework of the round table of industrialists and the EU. The Russian-Italian political dialogue is characterized by a coincidence of points of view on the most pressing international and regional problems; Italy is a consistent supporter of deepening Russia’s relations with the European Union and NATO.” establishing effective and equal cooperation between our country and these regional structures2.
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