When was the revolution 1917 day. Forgotten holidays

For more than 70 years, the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution was the main holiday of the Soviet Union. Throughout the Soviet era, November 7 was a “red day of the calendar,” that is, a public holiday, celebrated with obligatory festive events that took place in every Soviet city. This was the case until 1991, when the USSR collapsed and communist ideology was almost recognized as criminal. In the Russian Federation, this day was first renamed the Day of Harmony and Reconciliation, hinting at the need to end the civil war in the country’s information field and the reconciliation of supporters of different ideological views, and then canceled completely. November 7 ceased to be a holiday, but was included in the list of memorable dates. The corresponding law was adopted in 2010. In 2005, in connection with the establishment of a new state holiday (National Unity Day), November 7 ceased to be a day off.

This day cannot be erased from Russia, since the uprising in Petrograd on October 25-26 (November 7-8, new style) led not only to the overthrow of the bourgeois Provisional Government, but also predetermined the entire further development of both Russia and many other states of the planet.

Brief chronicle of events

By the fall of 1917, the policies of the Provisional Government brought the Russian state to the brink of disaster. Not only the outskirts broke away from Russia, but also Cossack autonomies were formed. In Kyiv, separatists laid claim to power. Even Siberia had its own autonomous government. The armed forces disintegrated and could not continue military operations, soldiers deserted in tens of thousands. The front was falling apart. Russia could no longer resist the coalition of the Central Powers. Finances and the economy were disorganized. Problems began with the food supply of cities, and the government began to carry out food appropriation. Peasants seized land, hundreds of landowners' estates burned. Russia was in a “limbo” because the Provisional Government postponed the resolution of fundamental issues until the convening of the Constituent Assembly.

A wave of chaos covered the country. The autocracy, which was the core of the entire empire, was destroyed. But they gave him nothing in return. People felt free from all taxes, duties and laws. The provisional government, whose policies were determined by liberal and left-wing figures, could not establish a viable order, moreover, its actions aggravated the situation. Suffice it to recall the “democratization” of the army during the war. Petrograd de facto lost control over the country.

The Bolsheviks decided to take advantage of this. Until the summer of 1917, they were not considered a serious political force, inferior in popularity and numbers to the Cadets and Socialist Revolutionaries. But by the fall of 1917 their popularity had grown. Their program was clear and understandable to the masses. Power during this period could have been taken by virtually any force that showed political will. The Bolsheviks became this force.

In August 1917, they headed for an armed uprising and socialist revolution. This happened at the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b). However, at that time the Bolshevik Party was actually underground. The most revolutionary regiments of the Petrograd garrison were disbanded, and the workers who sympathized with the Bolsheviks were disarmed. The opportunity to recreate armed structures appeared only during the Kornilov rebellion. The idea had to be postponed. Only on October 10 (23) did the Central Committee adopt a resolution on the preparation of an uprising. On October 16 (29), an extended meeting of the Central Committee, in which representatives of the districts took part, confirmed the previously made decision.

On October 12 (25), 1917, to protect the revolution from the “openly preparing attack by military and civilian Kornilovites,” the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee was established on the initiative of the Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, Leon Trotsky. The Military Revolutionary Committee included not only the Bolsheviks, but also some left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists. In fact, this body coordinated the preparation of the armed uprising. The Military Revolutionary Committee included representatives of the Central Committee, Petrograd and military party organizations of the Bolshevik and Left Socialist Revolutionary parties, delegates of the presidium and soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet, representatives of the headquarters of the Red Guard, the Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet and the Central Fleet, factory and industrial committees, etc. Military Revolutionary Committee detachments of the Red Guard, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors of the Baltic Fleet, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors of the Baltic Fleet were subordinate. Operational work was carried out by the Bureau of the Military Revolutionary Committee. It was formally headed by the left Socialist Revolutionary Pavel Lazimir, but almost all decisions were made by the Bolsheviks Leon Trotsky, Nikolai Podvoisky and Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko.

With the help of the Military Revolutionary Committee, the Bolsheviks established close contacts with the soldier committees of the Petrograd garrison formations. In fact, leftist forces not only restored the pre-July dual power in the city, but also began to establish their control over the military forces. When the Provisional Government decided to send revolutionary regiments to the front, the Petrograd Soviet ordered a review of the order and decided that the order was dictated not by strategic, but by political motives. The regiments were ordered to remain in Petrograd. The commander of the military district prohibited the release of weapons to workers from the arsenals of the city and suburbs, but the Council issued warrants and the weapons were issued. The Petrograd Soviet also stopped the attempt of the Provisional Government to arm its supporters with the help of the arsenal of the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Units of the Petrograd garrison declared their disobedience to the Provisional Government. On October 21, a meeting of representatives of the garrison regiments was held, which recognized the Petrograd Soviet as the only legitimate authority in the city. From that moment on, the Military Revolutionary Committee began to appoint its own commissars to military units, replacing the commissars of the Provisional Government. On the night of October 22, the Military Revolutionary Committee demanded that the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District recognize the powers of its commissars, and on the 22nd it announced the subordination of the garrison. On October 23, the Military Revolutionary Committee won the right to create an advisory body at the headquarters of the Petrograd district. On the same day, Trotsky personally carried out campaigning in the Peter and Paul Fortress, where they still doubted which side to take. By October 24, the Military Revolutionary Committee appointed its commissars to 51 units, as well as to arsenals, weapons depots, railway stations and factories. In fact, by the beginning of the uprising, leftist forces had established military control over the capital. The provisional government was incapacitated and failed to respond decisively. As Trotsky himself later admitted, “the armed uprising took place in Petrograd in two stages: in the first half of October, when the Petrograd regiments, obeying the resolution of the Council, which fully corresponded to their own sentiments, refused with impunity to carry out the order of the high command, and on October 25, when only a small an additional uprising that cut the umbilical cord of February statehood.”

Therefore, there were no significant clashes or much bloodshed; the Bolsheviks simply took power. The guards of the Provisional Government and the formations loyal to them surrendered without a fight or went home. No one wanted to shed their blood for the “temporary workers.” Thus, the Cossacks were ready to support the Provisional Government, but with the reinforcement of their regiments with machine guns, armored cars and infantry. Due to the failure to fulfill the conditions proposed by the Cossack regiments, the Council of Cossack Troops decided not to take any part in suppressing the Bolshevik uprising and recalled the 2 hundred Cossacks and the machine gun team of the 14th regiment that had already been sent.

Since October 24, detachments of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee occupied all key points of the city: bridges, train stations, telegraphs, printing houses, power plants and banks. When the head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, ordered the arrest of members of the Military Revolutionary Committee, there was no one to carry out the arrest order. It must be said that in August-September 1917, the Provisional Government had every opportunity to prevent an uprising and physically liquidate the Bolshevik Party. But the “Februaryists” did not do this, being confident that the Bolshevik action was guaranteed to be defeated. Right-wing socialists and cadets knew about the preparations for the uprising, but believed that it would develop according to the July scenario - demonstrations demanding the resignation of the government. At this time, they planned to bring up loyal troops and units from the front. But there were no rallies, armed people simply occupied key facilities in the capital, and all this was done without firing a single shot, calmly and methodically. Members of the Provisional Government led by Kerensky for some time could not even understand what was happening, since they were cut off from the outside world. The actions of the revolutionaries could only be known from indirect signs: at some point the telephone connection in the Winter Palace was lost, then the electricity. The government sat in the Winter Palace, where it held meetings, waited for the troops that were called from the front, and belatedly sent out appeals to the population and the garrison. Apparently, the government members hoped to sit out in the palace until the troops arrived from the front. The mediocrity of its members is visible even in the fact that officials did nothing to defend their last citadel - the Winter Palace: no ammunition or food was prepared. They couldn't even feed the cadets lunch.

By the morning of October 25 (November 7), the Provisional Government in Petrograd had only the Winter Palace left. By the end of the day, he was “defended” by about 200 women from the women’s shock battalion, 2-3 companies of mustacheless cadets and several dozen disabled soldiers - St. George’s Knights. The security began to disperse even before the assault. The Cossacks were the first to leave, embarrassed by the fact that the largest infantry unit was “women with guns.” Then they left on the orders of their boss, cadet of the Mikhailovsky Artillery School. So the defense of the Winter Palace lost artillery. Some of the cadets from the Oranienbaum school also left. General Bagratuni refused to bear the responsibilities of commander and left the Winter Palace. The footage of the famous storming of the Winter Palace is a beautiful myth. Most of the guards went home. The entire assault consisted of a sluggish firefight. Its scale can be understood from the losses: six soldiers and one drummer were killed. At 2 a.m. on October 26 (November 8), members of the Provisional Government were arrested. Kerensky himself escaped in advance, leaving accompanied by the American ambassador's car under the American flag.

It should be noted that the MRC operation turned out to be brilliant only with the complete passivity and incompetence of the Provisional Government. If a general of the Napoleonic (Suvorov) type with several combat-ready units had come out against the Bolsheviks, the uprising would have been easily suppressed. The soldiers of the garrison and the workers of the Red Guard, who had succumbed to propaganda, could not resist the battle-hardened warriors. Besides, they didn’t really want to fight. Thus, neither the workers of the city nor the garrison of Petrograd for the most part took part in the uprising. And during the shelling of the Winter Palace from the guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress, only 2 shells slightly touched the cornice of the Winter Palace. Trotsky later admitted that even the most loyal of the artillerymen deliberately fired past the palace. The attempt to use the guns of the cruiser Aurora also failed: due to its location, the warship could not fire at the Winter Palace. We limited ourselves to a single salvo. And the Winter Palace itself, if its defense had been well organized, could have held out for a long time, especially considering the low combat capability of the forces surrounding it. Thus, Antonov-Ovseenko described the picture of the “assault” as follows: “Disorderly crowds of sailors, soldiers, and Red Guards either float to the gates of the palace, then retreat.”

Simultaneously with the uprising in Petrograd, the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Moscow Council took control of key points in the city. This is where things didn't go so smoothly. The Committee of Public Safety, under the leadership of the Chairman of the City Duma Vadim Rudnev, with the support of cadets and Cossacks, began military operations against the Council. The fighting continued until November 3, when the Committee of Public Safety capitulated.

In general, Soviet power was established in the country easily and without much bloodshed. The revolution was immediately supported in the Central Industrial Region, where local Soviets of Workers' Deputies were already in fact in control of the situation. In the Baltic states and Belarus, Soviet power was established in October - November 1917, and in the Central Black Earth region, the Volga region and Siberia - until the end of January 1918. This process was called the “triumphant march of Soviet power.” The process of the largely peaceful establishment of Soviet power throughout Russia became yet another proof of the complete degradation of the Provisional Government and the need for the Bolsheviks to seize power.

On the evening of October 25, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened in Smolny, which proclaimed the transfer of all power to the Soviets. On October 26, the Council adopted the Decree on Peace. All warring countries were invited to begin negotiations on concluding a general democratic peace. The Land Decree transferred landowners' lands to peasants. All mineral resources, forests and waters were nationalized. At the same time, a government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars, headed by Vladimir Lenin.

Subsequent events confirmed the Bolsheviks were right. Russia was on the verge of destruction. The old project was destroyed, and only a new project could save Russia. The Bolsheviks gave it.

The Bolsheviks are often accused of destroying “old Russia,” but this is not true. The Russian Empire was killed by the “Februaryists”. The “fifth column” included: part of the generals, high dignitaries, bankers, industrialists, representatives of liberal democratic parties, many of whom were members of Masonic lodges, most of the intelligentsia who hated the “prison of nations.” In general, most of the “elite” of Russia destroyed the empire with their own hands. It was these people who killed “old Russia”. The Bolsheviks during this period were marginal, in fact they were on the sidelines of political life. But they were able to offer Russia and its people a common project, program and goal. The Bolsheviks showed political will and took power while their competitors were debating the future of Russia.

The October Revolution of 1917 took place on October 25 according to the old style or November 7 according to the new style. The initiator, ideologist and main protagonist of the revolution was the Bolshevik Party (Russian Social Democratic Bolshevik Party), led by Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (party pseudonym Lenin) and Lev Davidovich Bronstein (Trotsky). As a result, power changed in Russia. Instead of a bourgeois one, the country was led by a proletarian government.

Goals of the October Revolution of 1917

Building a more just society than capitalism
Eliminating the exploitation of man by man
Equality of people in rights and responsibilities
The main motto of the socialist revolution of 1917 is “To each according to his needs, from each according to his work”
Fight against wars
World socialist revolution

Slogans of the revolution

"Power to the Soviets"
"Peace to the Nations"
"Land to the peasants"
"Factory to workers"

Objective reasons for the October Revolution of 1917

Economic difficulties experienced by Russia due to participation in the First World War
Huge human losses from the same
Things going wrong at the front
The incompetent leadership of the country, first by the tsarist, then by the bourgeois (Provisional) government
The unresolved peasant question (the issue of allocating land to peasants)
Difficult living conditions for workers
Almost complete illiteracy of the people
Unfair national policies

Subjective reasons for the October Revolution of 1917

The presence in Russia of a small but well-organized, disciplined group - the Bolshevik Party
The primacy in it of the great historical Personality - V. I. Lenin
The absence of a person of the same caliber in the camp of her opponents
Ideological vacillations of the intelligentsia: from Orthodoxy and nationalism to anarchism and support for terrorism
The activities of German intelligence and diplomacy, which had the goal of weakening Russia as one of Germany’s opponents in the war
Passivity of the population

Interesting: the causes of the Russian revolution according to writer Nikolai Starikov

Methods for building a new society

Nationalization and transfer to state ownership of means of production and land
Eradication of private property
Physical elimination of political opposition
Concentration of power in the hands of one party
Atheism instead of religiosity
Marxism-Leninism instead of Orthodoxy

Trotsky led the immediate seizure of power by the Bolsheviks

“By the night of the 24th, members of the Revolutionary Committee dispersed to different areas. I was left alone. Later Kamenev came. He was opposed to the uprising. But he came to spend this decisive night with me, and we remained alone in a small corner room on the third floor, which resembled the captain’s bridge on the decisive night of the revolution. In the next large and deserted room there was a telephone booth. They called continuously, about important things and about trifles. The bells emphasized the guarded silence even more sharply... Detachments of workers, sailors, and soldiers were awake in the areas. Young proletarians have rifles and machine gun belts over their shoulders. Street pickets warm themselves by the fires. The spiritual life of the capital, which on an autumn night squeezes its head from one era to another, is concentrated around two dozen telephones.
In the room on the third floor, news from all districts, suburbs and approaches to the capital converge. It’s as if everything is provided for, leaders are in place, connections are secured, it seems that nothing is forgotten. Let's check it mentally again. This night decides.
... I give the commissars the order to set up reliable military barriers on the roads to Petrograd and send agitators to meet the units called by the government...” If words cannot restrain you, use your weapons. You are responsible for this with your head." I repeat this phrase several times... The Smolny outer guard has been reinforced with a new machine gun team. Communication with all parts of the garrison remains uninterrupted. Duty companies are kept awake in all regiments. The commissioners are in place. Armed detachments move through the streets from the districts, ring the bell at the gates or open them without ringing, and occupy one institution after another.
...In the morning I attack the bourgeois and conciliatory press. Not a word about the beginning of the uprising.
The government still met in the Winter Palace, but it had already become only a shadow of its former self. Politically it no longer existed. During October 25, the Winter Palace was gradually cordoned off by our troops from all sides. At one o'clock in the afternoon I reported to the Petrograd Soviet on the state of affairs. Here's how the newspaper report portrays it:
“On behalf of the Military Revolutionary Committee, I declare that the Provisional Government no longer exists. (Applause.) Individual ministers have been arrested. (“Bravo!”) Others will be arrested in the coming days or hours. (Applause.) The revolutionary garrison, at the disposal of the Military Revolutionary Committee, dissolved the meeting of the Pre-Parliament. (Noisy applause.) We stayed awake here at night and watched through the telephone wire as detachments of revolutionary soldiers and workers' guards silently carried out their work. The average person slept peacefully and did not know that at this time one power was being replaced by another. Stations, post office, telegraph, Petrograd Telegraph Agency, State Bank are busy. (Noisy applause.) The Winter Palace has not yet been taken, but its fate will be decided in the next few minutes. (Applause.)"
This bare report is likely to give a wrong impression of the mood of the meeting. This is what my memory tells me. When I reported on the change of power that had taken place that night, tense silence reigned for several seconds. Then came the applause, but not stormy, but thoughtful... “Can we handle it?” — many people asked themselves mentally. Hence a moment of anxious reflection. We'll handle it, everyone answered. New dangers loomed in the distant future. And now there was a feeling of great victory, and this feeling sang in the blood. It found its outlet in a stormy meeting arranged for Lenin, who appeared at this meeting for the first time after an absence of almost four months.”(Trotsky “My Life”).

Results of the October Revolution of 1917

The elite in Russia has completely changed. The one that ruled the state for 1000 years, set the tone in politics, economics, public life, was an example to follow and an object of envy and hatred, gave way to others who before that really “were nothing”
The Russian Empire fell, but its place was taken by the Soviet Empire, which for several decades became one of the two countries (together with the USA) that led the world community
The Tsar was replaced by Stalin, who acquired significantly greater powers than any Russian emperor.
The ideology of Orthodoxy was replaced by communist
Russia (more precisely, the Soviet Union) within a few years transformed from an agricultural to a powerful industrial power
Literacy has become universal
The Soviet Union achieved the withdrawal of education and medical care from the system of commodity-money relations
There was no unemployment in the USSR
In recent decades, the leadership of the USSR has achieved almost complete equality of the population in income and opportunities.
In the Soviet Union there was no division of people into poor and rich
In the numerous wars that Russia waged during the years of Soviet power, as a result of terror, from various economic experiments, tens of millions of people died, the fates of probably the same number of people were broken, distorted, millions left the country, becoming emigrants
The country's gene pool has changed catastrophically
The lack of incentives to work, the absolute centralization of the economy, and huge military expenditures have led Russia (USSR) to a significant technological lag behind the developed countries of the world.
In Russia (USSR), in practice there was a complete absence of democratic freedoms - speech, conscience, demonstrations, rallies, press (although they were declared in the Constitution).
The Russian proletariat lived materially much worse than the workers of Europe and America

For a long time it was considered a holiday. It was celebrated on November 7th. According to the old style, a significant event took place on October 25, but first things first.

The uprising that gave the weekend

The Great October Socialist Revolution took place on October 25, 1917. On the night of October 26, the Bolsheviks seized power. The grandiose uprising was led by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. After this event, for many years, November 7 - the day of the October Revolution - was considered a national holiday. The government decided to give citizens not one, but 2 whole days off. We rested not only on the seventh, but also on the eighth of November. If there was a weekend before or after these two days, then people officially rested for 3-4 days. Everyone liked it.

After all, in those days there were no such long New Year holidays for adults, so everyone waited for the days of the October Revolution to get enough sleep and not go to work at that time. However, not everyone was able to sleep on November 7, since demonstrations were held on that day. Early in the morning, workers came to their places of work, took banners, huge paper flowers and walked on foot. It was the seventh of November.

How the holiday was celebrated in the USSR

The day of the October Revolution was fun. Jokes and laughter were heard among the demonstrators. This was facilitated not only by strong drinks. Although this was strictly prohibited, some managed to break away from the column in a small group for a while to drink some alcohol. Of course, this happened long before they came to Red Square, and it was mainly men who were guilty of such behavior, and even then not all of them.

They drank not only at the demonstration, but also at home. After all, the day of the October Revolution was considered a great holiday. Of course, this is not New Year, but the scale of the celebration was amazing. The housewives made many delicious dishes, including herring under a fur coat and Olivier. For the significant event, enterprises placed holiday orders. The sets consisted of smoked sausage, ham, sweets, and red caviar. In those days, these products were in short supply, so the day of the October Revolution was also an opportunity to eat deliciously.

On these autumn weekends, people visited each other and made festive toasts. This is how the October Day gave the Soviet people the opportunity to relax and celebrate.

November 7 today

In recent years, the celebration has been forgotten. Now November 4-5 is celebrated. This was done, among other things, to prevent people from expressing dissatisfaction due to the disappeared holiday. And not for ideological reasons, but because hardly anyone will refuse extra days off. Now there are even more of them. After all, in addition to resting in early November, there is an opportunity to not go to work for several days in the first half of January.

Not everyone stopped celebrating the Day of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Representatives of the CPSU still honor each other and political figures of the Soviet era. Communists organize demonstrations, but now not on Red Square. Festive events must first be coordinated with the government, and after approval, go out onto the streets with banners. On November 7, you can see not only communists with written slogans; oppositionists also become active on this day. However, the processions take place for the most part peacefully and without major incidents.

On November 7 (October 25, old style), 1917, an armed uprising took place in Petrograd (from 1924 - Leningrad, from 1991 - St. Petersburg), which ended with the capture of the Winter Palace, the arrest of members of the Provisional Government and the proclamation of Soviet power, which existed in the country 70 plus years.

Throughout the Soviet era, November 7 was a national holiday - the Day of the Great October Socialist Revolution.

It was first celebrated in 1918, and has been a holiday since 1927.

Under Stalin, the festive canon finally took shape: a demonstration of workers, the appearance of leaders on the podium of the Mausoleum and a military parade on Red Square. These traditions were strictly observed, and even November 7, 1941, when the Germans were advancing on Moscow, was no exception: the regiments that marched through Red Square went straight to the front. The 1941 parade in terms of its influence on the course of events is equal to the most important military operation.

In the 1970s, the situation began to change. Enterprises have already begun sending people to the festive demonstration according to orders. However, the population rejoiced at two days off (before 1992, November 8 was also a day off), and therefore, in parallel with the official holiday ritual on November 7, a folk ritual began to take shape: a morning family feast and watching the broadcast of the parade. This ritual had nothing to do with the revolution or state pathos.

The history of the October holiday ended along with the history of the USSR. The first state celebration was not held on November 7, 1991.

On March 13, 1995, Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed the federal law “On the Days of Military Glory (Victory Days) of Russia,” in which November 7 was named the Day of the Liberation of Moscow by the people’s militia under the leadership of Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky from the Polish invaders (1612).

On November 7 in Moscow on Red Square, a historical and theatrical reconstruction of fragments of this military parade and an exhibition of historical military equipment will be organized.

The material was prepared based on information from RIA Novosti and open sources

October 7th– October Revolution Day, an annual memorial date with a long history. In modern Russia of the “zero” this holiday is called as Day of consent and reconciliation, but the date of the start of the uprising and the peculiar “Birthday of the USSR” cannot be forgotten, therefore this “red day of the calendar” cannot be crossed out with either a sickle or a hammer. Especially in 2017, on the centenary day of the revolution

The history of the holiday is October Revolution Day 1917.

Day of the Great October Revolution- this is exactly how it was supposed to denote the birth of a new state in the USSR, that is, with three capital letters. It was on November 7, 1917 in Petrograd (which later became Leningrad, now St. Petersburg) that rebels - workers, sailors - seized the Winter Palace and overthrew the provisional government. According to the old style, this happened on the night of October 26-27, according to the new style - from November 7 to 8. The new government proclaimed itself the Power of the Soviets. The tsarist past of Russia was gradually put to an end, and a new state emerged on the map - the USSR - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which greatly influenced world history, also leaving an almost indelible mark on the worldview of the citizens of present-day Russia.

It is noteworthy that November 7 marks another date that occurred during the Soviet era, and this is the Day of Military Glory of Russia. On November 7, 1941, a large-scale military parade took place on Red Square in honor of the 24th anniversary of the socialist revolution. The event coincided with the beginning of the Soviet counteroffensive against Hitler's troops near Moscow. It was from this parade that day that the soldiers went to the front...

The symbol of the beginning of the 1917 revolution was the legendary cruiser Aurora. The signal to begin the capture of the Winter Palace was a shot from a cruiser. The cruiser's crew took an active part in the coup and overthrow of the provisional government. “Aurora” still stands on the Petrogradskaya embankment, permanently parked.

Great Russian Revolution- a radical turning point in Russian history. The process, which has affected all spheres of public life, has not yet acquired an unambiguous assessment in the historical consciousness of modern Russia, which is experiencing a period of social, cultural and political transformation. Many aspects of this period of Russian history remain undisclosed or disclosed in a biased and politically biased manner.

For more than 70 years, this “red day of the calendar” was the main holiday of the country. For most of the twentieth century, millions of our fellow citizens in three generations celebrated November 7 - the Day of the Great October Socialist Revolution.

The holiday, officially called the Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, was first celebrated in 1918, and became a day off in 1927. The first state celebration was not held on November 7, 1991, but the day itself, November 7, remained a holiday until 2005.

In 1996, by Yeltsin’s decree, it was simply renamed and became known as the Day of Reconciliation and Harmony. At the end of 2004, the State Duma adopted a law according to which this holiday was abolished, and instead a new holiday was introduced with a day off - November 4, which was called National Unity Day.

2017 is the year of the centenary of the 1917 Revolution. The centenary milestone is significant for historical memory. It is now necessary to support the trend of reconciling society with the events of 1917 and promote the popularization of high-quality historical knowledge to draw lessons from them.

The centenary of October is not a reason to make peace, no, reconcile with your history and with your ideological opponents. In any case, persistently try to do this. This is our story. There is no other and there never will be.