The political gang of Saaduly Magomadov (6 people) has been operating since 1920. Fist. Periodically connects with Makhmudov Sarali's gang. Over the course of 10 years, they committed over 30 murders of Red Army soldiers and pogroms. The gang was responsible for the murder of Red Army soldiers, a terrorist attack on January 20, 1930 against the activist Ryabov, 1935 - a terrorist attack against the representative of the district party committee Aktemirov, against the chairman of the village council Kurazov, against the chairman of the village council Khadzhiev, 1936 - a terrorist attack against the commissar-activist Magayev , robberies, a terrorist attack against the chairman of the collective farm Batiev Dush, 1938 - against the deputy chairman of the collective farm Shoainov Vakha, etc.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic RYAZANOV.
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D 2. L.3-4.
From reports on the general situation of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the eve of the deportation of Chechens and Ingush
In Checheno-Ingushetia, compared with the first half of the year, the average daily oil refining in Grozny in July 1941 increased by 3083 tons. Compared to 1940, the oil and gas production plan for the Grozneftekombinat was fulfilled by 135.1%. The production of aviation gasoline increased, compared to the first half of the year, in July 1941 by 220%, and in August 1941 - by 262%.
NARCH. F.1. Op.1. D.748. L.15.
Strictly confidential
Special folder
Extract from minutes # 124 of the meeting of the Bureau of the Chechen-Ingush Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on July 15, 1941
Listened to: 3. Report of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs on the fight against banditry and desertion in the Chi ASSR.
Resolved:
After hearing the report of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, Comrade. Albogachiev about the fight against banditry and desertion in the republic, the bureau of the regional committee of the CPSU (b) notes that comrade. Albogachiev and deputy. People's Commissar Comrade Shelenkov still has not restructured their work.
In the People's Commissariat there is no clear distribution of responsibilities and iron military discipline; there is laxity, failure to comply with orders, violation of unity of command and irresponsibility of some department heads and heads of regional departments.
People's Commissar Comrade Albogachiev did not strengthen the People's Commissariat organizationally, did not unite workers and did not organize an active fight against banditry and desertion.
The leadership of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (Comrades Albogachiev and Shelenkov) and state security (Comrades Ryazanov), instead of organizing a joint active fight against banditry, engaged in unprincipled friction.
The Bureau of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) considers it completely intolerable when, as a result of complacency and carelessness during wartime, a decisive blow to banditry and desertion was not dealt and, as a consequence of this, banditry and desertion in the republic significantly increased, and cases of terrorist acts against workers of the republic became more frequent.
Secretary of the Chechen-Ingush Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) V. Ivanov.
Spy. 1993. # 1. P. 24-25.
GARF. D.401. Op.12. D.127-09. L.80.
Dear Terloev! Hello to you! I am very upset that your highlanders began an uprising ahead of schedule. I'm afraid that if you don't listen to me, we, the workers of the republic, will be exposed... Look, for the sake of Allah, keep your oath. Don't name us, no one.
You exposed yourself. You act while in deep underground. Don't let yourself be arrested. Know that you will be shot. Keep in touch with me only through my trusted collaborators.
You write me a hostile letter, threatening me with the possibility, and I will also begin to persecute you. I will burn down your house, arrest some of your relatives and will oppose you anywhere and everywhere. By this you and I must prove that we are irreconcilable enemies and are persecuting each other.
You don’t know those Ordzhonikidze GESTAPO agents through whom I told you to send all the information about our anti-Soviet work.
Write information about the results of the present uprising and send it to me, I can immediately send it to an address in Germany. You tear up my note in front of my messenger. These are dangerous times, I'm afraid.
Wrote (signed) Orel.
November 10, 1941
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L1-9.
Israilov Hussein Israilovich, born in 1909, native of the village of Nikaroy, Galanchozh region of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Chechen, citizen of the USSR, candidate member of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) from 1930 to 1933, graduated from two-year courses at the Komvuz in the city of Rostov-on-Don , school director from 1930 to 1941,
since 1941 he was in a gang. In 1937, the Special Meeting of the NKVD of the USSR sentenced him to 3 years of labor camp as a socially dangerous element.
ISRAILOV's brother Hasan and ISRAILOV's nephew Magomet are in the gang.
Question: Since when and for what reasons did you start hiding from the authorities?
Answer: In October 1941, when I was the director of the Bengaroy junior high school in the Itum-Kalinsky district, I learned from my former father-in-law ODOEV Zama (now killed) about the intention of the Galanchozh district branch of the NKVD to arrest me for my brother Hasan and the possibility of being sent to the front.
Considering that at that time the mobilization of Chechens and Ingush into the Red Army was taking place, and fearing to be drafted and sent to the front, I decided to betray my homeland and join the counter-revolutionary gang of my brother ISRAILOV Hasan.
From October 1941 to April 1942, I hid in the villages of Nikaroy, Bavloy and Bengaroy.
Question: Tell us about your brother ISRAILOV Hasan?
Answer: Since 1914, with my brother Hassan, I was brought up together by my uncle Isa KHATSIGOV, in 1929 we studied together at Komvuz in the city of Rostov-on-Don. There we often communicated, and Hassan had a great influence on me<...>
GARF. F-9478.
Department of the NKVD of the USSR for the fight against banditry.
From the reports of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Georgian SSR Gr. Karanadze addressed to L. Beria September 18, 1943
About the actions of gangs of Chechen-Ingush groups in Khevsureti and Mountainous Tusheti.
Kh. Israilov (Terloev) in 1933 was sent to study in Moscow at KUTV. Stalin... In 1935 he was sentenced to 5 years in a forced labor camp. In 1937 he returned from Siberia...
Terloev formed a combat group in the Galanchozhsky region, and a bandit group led by Derkizanov in the Itumkalinsky region. Groups were also formed in Borzoi, Kharsinov, Dagi-Borzoi, Achehn, etc.*
In 1941, he prepared an uprising and wrote the “Temporary Program for the Organization of Checheno-Ingushetia.” Terloev was appointed chief of staff. By November 10, 1941, Terloev had held 41 meetings of illegal organizations in 41 anti-Soviet villages. 5,000 people took the oath of "OPKB". Commissioners were also sent to other neighboring republics.**
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L.1-9.
* It was reported that in Checheno-Ingushetia, in addition to Grozny, Gudermes and Malgobek, 5 rebel districts were organized - 24,970 people. (GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L.13).
** From Terloev’s diary:
The uprising was planned for January 10, 1942. At the founding meeting of the OPKB, convened on January 28, 1942 in Ordzhonikidze, 7 neighboring regions and 11 sections of the OPKB were present. The executive committee of the OPKB was elected - 33 people, the Organizing Bureau of the executive committee of the OPKB - 9 people. Terloev was the chief secretary.
Top secret.
State Defense Committee.
GOKO Resolution # 5074ss
dated January 31, 1944. Moscow Kremlin.
The State Defense Committee decides:
1. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR (comrade Andreeva), the People's Commissariat of Meat and Milk Industry of the USSR (comrade Smirnova), the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR (comrade Lobanova) and the People's Commissariat of Agriculture (comrade Subbotin) to accept livestock and agricultural products from special settlers in the North Caucasus in the places and at the time agreed upon with the NKVD of the USSR, with the issuance of exchange receipts for the accepted ones.
The acceptance of all property, as well as settlements for this property with special settlers, should be carried out in accordance with the resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR dated October 14, 1943 # 1118-842ss.
To oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR, the People's Commissariat of Meat and Milk Industry of the USSR, the People's Commissariat for Transport and the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR to prepare and send, within a time period agreed with the NKVD of the USSR, special groups with a sufficient number of workers and forms of exchange receipts to register the reception of livestock and agricultural products from special settlers.
2. To send to the North Caucasus to organize and manage the reception of livestock, agricultural products and other property from special settlers, a commission of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in the following composition: the chairman of the commission - Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, Comrade Gritsenko and representatives: from the People's Commissariat of the USSR - Deputy People's Commissar, Comrade Penzin , from the People's Commissariat of Meat and Milk Industry - member of the board of Comrade Nadyarnykh, from the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR - Deputy People's Commissar, Comrade Kabanov, from the People's Commissariat - member of the board of Comrade Pustovalov.
3. Oblige the NKPS (Comrade Kaganovich) to organize the transportation of special settlers from the North Caucasus to the Kazakh SSR and the Kyrgyz SSR, forming for this purpose special trains of heated and equipped carriages for human transportation.
Number of trains, delivery times for wagons, loading and unloading locations at the request of the NKVD of the USSR.
Payments for transportation according to the tariff for transporting prisoners.
NKPS and TsUPVOSO (Comrade Khruleva) ensure the movement of trains to their destination on a military basis, with the establishment of special dispatch monitoring of their progress.
4. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Trade of the USSR, under the personal responsibility of Comrade Lyubimov, to ensure the provision of hot food and boiling water to passing trains with special settlers in accordance with the train movement schedule drawn up by the NKVD of the USSR and the NKPS.
To carry out organizational and preparatory work and check the readiness of nutrition points and railway canteens to serve trains with special settlers, send responsible representatives of the People's Commissariat of Trade to places along the route of the trains, no later than February 1.
5. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Health of the USSR, under the personal responsibility of Comrade Miterev, to ensure the allocation for each train with special settlers, within a time period in agreement with the NKVD of the USSR, of one doctor and two nurses with an appropriate supply of medicines, and also to prepare sanitation points and isolation wards of the People's Commissariat of Health along the route of the trains. .
6. Oblige the Main Directorate of State Material Reserves under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (Comrade Danchenko) to release from the state reserve for special work 4000 tons of gasoline for the NKVD of the USSR, 500 tons of gasoline for the Council of People's Commissars of the Kazakh SSR and 150 tons for the Council of People's Commissars of the Kyrgyz SSR.
Oblige the Glavneftesnab under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (Comrade Shirokova) to ship the specified motor gasoline to points in agreement with the NKVD of the USSR, the SNK of the Kazakh SSR and the SNK of the Kyrgyz SSR in targeted tanks with delivery to the places on time - for the NKVD of the USSR during February 1944 and for the SNK of the Kazakh SSR SSR and SNK of the Kirghiz SSR - until February 15, 1944
7. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (Comrade Zverev) to release in February 1944 the NKVD of the USSR from the reserve of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR an advance in the amount of 80 million rubles for carrying out special work.
Oblige the People's Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (Comrade Zverev) and the NKVD of the USSR (Comrade Chernyshov) to submit to the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR a joint proposal for additional allocation of funds to the NKVD of the USSR for special work within 5 days.
8. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR (Comrade Andreeva) to transfer to the NKVD of the USSR for the cavalry police units from among the 350 horses accepted from special settlers in the North Caucasus, fit for combat service.
Seal
Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee
V.Molotov
Sent by t.t. Molotov, Malenkov, Beria, Voznesensky, Skvortsov, Undasynov, Bogdanov, Vagov, Kulatov, Pchelkin, Andreev, Benediktov, Kosygin, Smirnov, Lobanov, Subbotin, Gritsenko, Chadayev - all: Shamberg, Popov, Shatalin, Zverev, Genzin, Nadyarnykh, Kabanov (NKSovkhozov), Pustovalov, Kaganovich, Khrulev, Izmailov, Golubev, Lyubimov, Miterev, Danchenko, Shirokov, Sokolov, Chernyshov - respectively.
27th Mernilov - NKGB - everything.
RCKHIDNI. F.644. Op.1. D.200. L.13-15.
Copy
Top secret
To the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Comrade. Beria L.P.
February 1944
Memorandum
Having intelligence information that Hasan Israilov was being hidden by Jovatkhan Murtazaliev with the help of his brother Ayub and son Khas-Magomed, on February 13 we secretly arrested Jovatkhan and Ayub Murtazaliev.
As a result of interrogations, Ayub Murtazaliev testified that Khasan was hiding in a cave on the Bachi-Chu mountain in the Dzumsoevsky village council of the Itum-Kalinsky district.
On the night of February 14-15, a task force led by Comrade. The Tsereteli cave indicated by Ayub Murtazaliev was surrounded and searched. However, Hassan Israilov was not there. During a search of the cave, one serviceable "Degtyarev" light machine gun and 3 disks for it were discovered, one English ten-round rifle, one Iranian rifle, one Russian three-line rifle in good condition, 200 pieces of rifle cartridges and authentic notes of Hasan Israilov related to his rebel activities, weighing about two kg.
In this correspondence, lists of members of the rebel organization NSPKB (OPKB. - N.B.) were found in 20 villages of the Itum-Kalinsky, Galanchozhsky, Shatoevsky and Prigorodny districts of the Chi ASSR, with a total number of 6540 people, 35 tickets of members of the fascist organization "Caucasian Eagles" received Hasan Israilov through German paratroopers dropped during 1942-1943. on the territory of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
In addition, a map of the Caucasus in German, on which, throughout the territory of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the Georgian SSR, settlements in which there are cells of the rebel organization NSPKB are highlighted.
Not finding Israilov Khasan in the cave, we demanded that Ayub Murtazaliev show us where Israilov Khasan could go and his cave. Murtazaliev Ayub, after a little pressure on him, said that Hassan was taken to another cave by the son of Jovatkhan Murtazaliev, Khas-Magomed.
On February 15, we managed to arrest Khas-Magomed Murtazaliev, whose interrogation began with Comrade Tsereteli in Itum-Kale.
Preparations for the operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush are coming to an end. After clarification, 459,486 people were registered as being subject to resettlement, including those living in the regions of Dagestan bordering Checheno-Ingushetia and in the mountains. Vladikavkaz.
Taking into account the scale of the operation and the peculiarity of mountainous areas, it was decided to carry out the eviction (including boarding people in echelons) within 8 days, within which in the first 3 days the operation will be completed throughout the lowlands and foothill areas and partially for some populations of mountainous areas with a coverage of more than 300 thousand people.
In the remaining 4 days, evictions will be carried out in all mountainous regions, covering the remaining 150 thousand people.
Mountainous areas will be blocked in advance...
Considering the seriousness of the operation, I ask that you allow me to remain in place until the operation is completed, at least mainly, i.e. until February 26-27, 1944
L. Beria.
GARF. F.9401. Op.2. D.64. L.167.
To successfully carry out the operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush, following your instructions, in addition to the security and military measures, the following was carried out:
1. It was reported to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR, Molaev, about the government's decision to evict the Chechens and Ingush and about the motives that formed the basis for this decision.
Molaev shed tears after my message, but pulled himself together and promised to complete all the tasks that would be given to him in connection with the eviction. Then in Grozny, together with him, 9 leading officials from the Chechens and Ingush were identified and convened, to whom the progress of the eviction of the Chechens and Ingush and the reasons for the eviction were announced.
We assigned 40 republican party and Soviet workers from Chechens and Ingush to 24 districts with the task of selecting 2-3 people from the local activists for each locality for campaigning.
A conversation was held with the most influential senior clergy in Checheno-Ingushetia B. Arsanov, A.-G. Yandarov and A. Gaisumov, they were called upon to provide assistance through mullahs and other local authorities.
The eviction begins at dawn on February 23 this year; it was planned to cordon off the areas to prevent the population from leaving the territory of populated areas. The population will be invited to the gathering, part of the gathering will be released to collect things, and the rest will be disarmed and taken to the loading sites. I believe that the operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush will be successful.
Beria GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.166.
The operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush is going well. By the evening of February 25, 342 thousand 647 people were loaded onto railway trains. 86 trains were sent from the loading station to the places of new settlement.
Beria
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.160
Preparations for the reception and resettlement of special settlers in the Kazakh SSR on February 25 were basically completed. Special settlers are settled on collective farms - 309,000 people, on state farms - 42,000 people, in enterprises - 49,000 people. 1,590 vehicles, 57 thousand carts, 103 tractors were mobilized for delivery...
In the areas of settlements, 145 district and 375 village special commandant's offices of the NKVD with 1,358 people were organized. states.
Nasedkin
Bogdanov
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.182. L.62,64.
From a letter from the secretary of the Grozny regional committee of the RCP (b) P. Cheplakov G.M. Malenkov
In February 1944, from 11 districts of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which became part of the newly created Grozny region, 32,110 Chechen and Ingush households were evicted to Central Asia. According to the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR dated March 9, 1944, 6,800 farms were resettled from the Stavropol Territory to the indicated areas, 5,892 farms of collective farmers from the Grozny region, residents of the city of Grozny were resettled to the rural areas of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and in total until May 15, 1944 12,692 families were settled in the villages where Chechens and Ingush lived, at the expense of which 65 collective farms were organized. The number of people moved in was 40% of the number of people evicted. 22 villages remained uninhabited and 20 villages were partially inhabited.
CHGNA. F.220. Op.1. D.26. L.113.
P. Cheplakov proposed to resettle another 5,000 farms from certain land-poor regions of the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Tambov, Penza, Ryazan, Ulyanovsk, Saratov, Gorky, Yaroslavl and other regions to the Grozny region before October 1944. (Ibid. L.114).
I am reporting on the results of the operation to evict Chechens and Ingush. Evictions began on February 23 in most areas, with the exception of high mountain settlements.
By February 29, 478,479 people were evicted and loaded onto railway trains, including 91,250 Ingush. 180 trains have been loaded, of which 159 trains have already been sent to the site of the new settlement.
Today, trains with former executives and religious authorities of Checheno-Ingushetia, who were used in carrying out the operation, have been sent.
From some points of the Galanchozhsky district, 6 thousand Chechens remained not evicted, due to heavy snowfall and impassable roads, the removal and loading of which will be completed in 2 days. The operation was carried out in an orderly manner and without serious resistance or other incidents.
Combing is also being carried out in forest areas where NKVD troops and an operational group of security officers are temporarily stationed to garrison them. During the preparation and conduct of the operation, 2,016 people of the anti-Soviet element from among the Chechens and Ingush were arrested. 20,072 firearms were seized, including 4,868 rifles, 479 machine guns and machine guns.
L. Beria
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.161.
Secret
From Resolution # 255-74cc
On the settlement and development of areas of the former Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
March 9, 1944
In connection with the formation on the territory of the former Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Grozny District as part of the Stavropol Territory and the inclusion of part of the regions of the former Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic into the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the Georgian SSR, the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR decides:
1. Oblige the Stavropol Regional Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the Georgian SSR:
a) to resettle, before April 15, 1944, to former Chechen and Ingush collective farms, in the regions included in the Grozny Okrug from the Stavropol Territory, 800 farms, in the regions included in the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic from the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, 500 farms, in the regions included in North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic - from the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, - 500 farms;
b) staff the areas transferred to them with management employees within two weeks and within this period complete the acceptance of the allocated livestock, as well as all residential and outbuildings, agricultural implements and other property.
2. To oblige the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, the Stavropol Regional Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Georgian SSR and the People's Commissariat of the USSR before June 1, 1944, to develop measures for the further settlement and development of the regions of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and submit their proposals for consideration by the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. ..
Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR
V.Molotov
Manager of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR
People's Commissar of the USSR
Ya.Chadayev
GARF. F.R-5446. Op.47. D.4356. L.59-62.
Form the Grozny region with its center in the city of Grozny and, in connection with this, liquidate the Grozny and Kizlyar districts of the Stavropol Territory.
Include in the Grozny region the city of Grozny and the districts: Ataginsky, Achkhoy-Martanovsky, Galanchozhsky, Galashkinsky, Grozny, Gudermessky, Nadterechny, Staro-Yurtovsky, Sunzhensky, Urus-Martanovsky, Shalinsky and Shatoevsky of the former Grozny district, the city of Kizlyar and the districts: Achikulaksky, Karanogay, Kayasulinsky, Kizlyar and Shelkovsky districts of the former Kizlyar district, as well as the Naursky district, separating it from the Stavropol Territory.
This resolution must be submitted for approval by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
Protocol # 16, paragraph 35.
(Collection of Laws of the RSFSR and Decrees of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. 1938-1946. Publishing house "Izvestia of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies of the USSR". 1946. P. 58.)
As part of the families of migrants of Chechens, Ingush, Karachays, Balkars, Crimean Tatars, up to 300 thousand children under the age of 16 arrived in the Kazakh, Kyrgyz and Uzbek SSR in 1944. Special settlers are placed in small groups on collective farms and districts mixed with the local - Russian, Kazakh, Uzbek and Kyrgyz - population. They live under special regime conditions (prohibition to move freely outside their places of residence, etc.). It is not possible to organize a primary school for children of specially displaced Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, Balkars and Crimean Tatars with instruction in their national languages due to the lack of appropriate, proven teaching staff. Due to all these conditions, the NKVD of the USSR considers it expedient to teach the children of special settlers in Russian in existing schools at their place of residence...
Response to the request of the NKVD for the Grozny region Drozdov.
What to do with Chechens and Ingush discharged from the army and returning home?
The head of the Mob Department of the Main Government Forms of the Red Army # MOB 1/4069911-S dated July 3, 1944, reported the refusal of the Grozny NKVD to accept sergeants and rank and file dismissed from the army of Chechen and Ingush nationality for assignment to their place of resettlement.
It was ordered to send everyone to the disposal of the NKVD of the Taldy-Kurgan region of the Kazakh SSR.
Departure is carried out in separate batches by passenger train under escort, provided with a ticket and meals, and 50 rubles. money.
Chernyshov
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.1. D.2077-86. L.15.
From a memo by L. Beria
Comrade I.V. Stalin
Comrade B.M. Molotov (CHK USSR)
Comrade G.M. Malenkov (Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
July 1944
In pursuance of the resolution of the State Defense Committee of the NKVD, in February-March 1944, 602,193 people were resettled for permanent residence in the Kazakh and Kyrgyz SSR, residents of the North Caucasus, of which Chechens and Ingush - 496,460 people, Karachais - 68,327, Balkars - 37,406 people
The resettlement of this contingent from the territory of the North Caucasus and resettlement in places of new residence was carried out satisfactorily. 428,948 people were placed on collective farms, 64,703 people were placed on state farms, and 908,542 people were transferred for labor use in industrial enterprises.
The bulk of special settlers were evicted to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (477,809 people). However, the republican bodies of the Kazakh SSR did not pay due attention to the issues of labor and economic arrangement of the special settlers of the North Caucasus. As a result, the living conditions of special settlers in Kazakhstan and their involvement in socially useful work were in an unsatisfactory state. Families of special settlers settled on collective farms were not accepted as members of agricultural associations. The provision of household plots and vegetable gardens to the families of specially displaced persons, as well as the provision of housing, was unsatisfactory. Special settlers resettled on state farms and transferred to industrial enterprises were poorly attracted to work in production, typhus disease, deficiencies in economic and living arrangements, theft, and criminal offenses were noted.
To restore order, Deputy People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Kruglov was sent to the Kazakh SSR in May 1944 with a group of workers.
In July, 2,196 special settlers were arrested for various crimes. All were considered by a Special Meeting.
429 special commandant's offices of the NKVD were created to monitor the living conditions of special settlers, combat escapes, provide operational security services and assist in the rapid economic organization of special settlers' families.
The economic structure of the special settlers was improved. Of the 70,296 families settled on collective farms, 56,800 families, or 81%, became members of agricultural artels. 83,303 families (74.3%) received personal plots and vegetable gardens.
12,683 families lived in their own houses. The work of children's labor colonies has been organized. In June 1944, 1,268 children were accommodated there. Employment has improved. Thus, in the Dzhambul region, out of 16,927 able-bodied people, 16,396 people actually worked; in the Akmola region, out of 17,667 people, 19,345 (as in the document) people were registered as working, of which 2,746 were old people and teenagers.
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.63. L.311-313
Top secret
Received via "HF"
Head of the BB Department of the NKVD of the USSR
Comrade Leontiev
November 26, 1944
December 1st of this year we received agent Isbakhiev, who had returned from a meeting with Israilov. He presented the letter submitted by Israilov with the following content:
“Hello. I wish you dear Drozdov, I wrote telegrams to Moscow. Please send them to the addresses and send me receipts by mail with a copy of your telegram through Yandarov. Dear Drozdov, I ask you to do everything possible to obtain forgiveness from Moscow for my sins, for they are not as great as they are depicted. Please send me through Yandarov 10-20 pieces of carbon paper, Stalin’s report of November 7, 1944, military-political magazines and brochures at least 10 pieces, 10 pieces of chemical pencils.
Dear Drozdov, please inform me about the fate of Hussein and Osman, where they are, whether they are convicted or not.
Dear Drozdov, I need medicine against the tubercle bacillus, the best medicine has arrived.
Greetings - wrote Khasan Israilov (Terloev)
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.111. L.191ob.
From a report on the work of the Special Settlement Department of the NKVD of the USSR (Department created on March 17, 1944)
September 5, 1944
About the Chechen-Ingush. In the early 1930s, there was a real threat in the region that significant masses would be involved in the rebel adventure.
As a result of subversive work, the main tracts of land were in individual use; until recently, the purchase, sale and rental of land were practiced; the created collective farms existed formally; no more than 17% of arable land, up to 32% of hayfields and a completely insignificant number of workers were socialized. livestock (about 5%). In connection with this situation, part of the poor and middle peasant masses fell under the influence and dependence of the kulaks.
In the broad masses, on the basis of excesses and provocations, there was deep fermentation; using this, the kulaks moved on to open protests, dragging along a significant part of the middle peasants.
To eliminate this counter-revolutionary movement, in March-April 1930, a number of serious security and military operations were carried out with the support of artillery and aviation. In 1932, an armed uprising was organized with the participation of over 3,000 people, which covered all the villages of the Nozhai-Yurt region and a number of other villages.
At the end of January 1941, an uprising against Soviet power was provoked in Hilda-Kharoi, Itumkala region, in which local residents took part.
During this period, desertion from the Red Army by Chechens and Ingush became widespread. From July 1941 to April 1942, more than 1,500 people deserted from those drafted into the Red Army and labor battalions. And there were over 2,200 people who evaded military service. 850 people deserted from one national cavalry division...
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.768. l.129.
Tt. Kakuchaya and Drozdov addressed to the deputy. People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Comrade. Kruglov was informed that Comrade Beria’s task had been completed. Hasan Israilov was killed, the corpse was identified and photographed. The agents are switched to eliminating the remnants of the bandit leaders.
Resolution of Comrade Leontyev: Comrade. Barannikov - "Request a detailed message."
("Caucasian Eagles". M., 1993. P.61)
Strictly confidential(From O.P.)
Returnable
Extract from protocol # 66 of 1948
Resolved:
In order to strengthen the regime of settlement of deportees from among the Chechens, Karachais, Ingush, Balkars, Kalmyks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, etc., as well as to strengthen criminal liability for escapes of deportees from places of compulsory and permanent settlement, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks decides:
1. Establish that the resettlement of Chechens, Karachais, Ingush, Balkars, Kalmyks, Germans, Crimean Tatars and others to remote areas of the Soviet Union was carried out forever, without the right to return them to their previous places of residence.
For unauthorized departure (escape) from places of compulsory settlement of these deportees, the perpetrators will be held criminally liable, setting the punishment for this crime at 20 years of hard labor.
Cases regarding escapes of deportees will be considered at a Special Meeting under the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Persons guilty of harboring deportees who fled from places of compulsory settlement or facilitating their escape, and persons guilty of issuing permission to deportees to return to their places of previous residence, shall be held criminally liable, determining the punishment for these crimes - imprisonment for 5 years .
(The draft Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR is attached - Appendix # 1).
2. To oblige the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (Comrade Kruglov) and the Prosecutor General of the USSR (Comrade Safonov) from now on to all deportees detained for escaping from places of compulsory resettlement, as well as persons guilty of escape, harboring deportees, and persons providing assistance to them assistance in settling them in their places of former residence, - to arrest and prosecute cases with consideration of cases in a Special Meeting at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, strictly guided by this decision.
4. Oblige the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (Comrade Kruglova) to check within a month the work of local bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in carrying out administrative supervision over deportees, especially in terms of proper registration of settlers and ensuring a regime that excludes the possibility of escapes.
Based on the results of the inspection, take the necessary measures and report the results to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
The USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs will henceforth establish strict control over the work of its local bodies to ensure the necessary regime in places where deportees are resettled.
5. Oblige the Ministry of State Security (Comrade Abakumov), through the MGB security bodies in railway and water transport, to take measures to identify, detain and arrest deportees who fled from places of compulsory settlement.
6. Oblige the Prosecutor General of the USSR, Comrade Safonov, and the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, Comrade Kruglov, to investigate all cases when deportees detained in the areas of their former residence (Crimea, Checheno-Ingushetia, Kabarda, the Volga German region, Kalmykia, etc.) were returned back to places of resettlement without bringing them to criminal responsibility for escape, and those responsible for allowing this anti-state practice to be held strictly accountable. Report the results to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks within a month.
(See attachment #2).
Secretary of the Central Committee
5-p, st, ak
Fast. SM USSR # 4367-1726ss dated November 24, 1948
To Comrade Stalin I.V.
To Comrade V.M. Molotov
Comrade Beria L.P.
Comrade Malenkov G.M.
January 31, 1946
Special settlers from the North Caucasus (Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, Balkars) in the amount of 131,480 families - 498,870 people, settled in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, the majority are economically organized and all able-bodied people are involved in labor activities.
Of the total number of 205,000 able-bodied people, 194,800 people are employed in industry, construction and agriculture. The remaining 10,700 people do not work for valid reasons.
All special settlers are settled in rural areas. 81,450 families became members of collective farms.
55,260 families obtained independent home ownership through new construction and the purchase of empty premises from the local population. 47,930 families were arranged to live at their place of work, in enterprise houses, each family was given free livestock, and long-term loans were issued. 4,796 thousand rubles have been allocated for this. All special settlers are exempt from mandatory supplies of agricultural products and from paying agricultural and income taxes.
Over two years, they were allocated 33,965 tons of food grain, flour and cereals, 78 tons of sugar, 582 tons of steel.
Chechen Magomed Khutuev, a collective farmer at the collective farm “10 Years of October” in the Jalal-Abad region of the Kirghiz SSR, noted at a general meeting of collective farmers: “I thank Comrade Stalin for taking great care of us, special settlers. We are considered one family of the Soviet Union. In these elections we will take part and vote for the candidates of our native Communist Party..."
Mulla Aliyev, who lives on a collective farm in the Sverdlovsk district of the Dzhambul region, called on special settlers not to participate in the vote, citing the fact that there were no representatives of Checheno-Ingush among the nominated candidates for deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR...
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR S. KRUGLOV
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.134. L.176-180.
T. Stalin I.V.
COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS OF THE USSR
REGULATION # 1927
dated July 28, 1945 Moscow, Kremlin.
About benefits for special settlers
The Council of People's Commissars of the USSR DECIDES:
1. Liberate in 1945 and 1946. special settler
These are documents, correspondence, photographs from his personal archive, which few people were interested in after the leader’s death. Before me, even before the declassification of the archive, with the exclusive permission of Yeltsin, the military historian Colonel General Dmitry Volkogonov worked with him, who wrote the book “Triumph and Tragedy” on this material. But not all the documents came to his attention. Here are presented unpublished materials from the personal collection of I.V. Stalin, as well as some documents from the FSB Central Archive and comments from Stalin’s guards.
Compromising evidencefrom the "red card file"
One of the unsolved mysteries of the 20th century is the disappearance after October 1917 of documentary materials representing incriminating evidence accumulated by the tsarist intelligence services regarding the leaders of the revolution. In the 20-30s, many former tsarist counterintelligence officers and detectives, as well as archivists and post office censors who were engaged in illustrating correspondence, including Bolshevik, paid with their lives for involvement in these secrets. The Cheka-OGPU-NKVD were especially energetic in searching for documents stored in a special archive of the counterintelligence department of the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District (KRO Air Defense), collected during the First World War with the help of the Tsarist secret police. It consisted of about 500 cases with a scarlet stripe on the titles, for which it received the name “red file cabinet.”
For the first time, Genrikh Yagoda was on the trail of the “red file cabinet”. In 1925, Mikhail Lebedev, a former colonel of the tsarist army and one of the leaders of the KRO Air Defense, was arrested in Leningrad. He said that the card index of the leaders of Bolshevism contained information not only about party work, but also about the “delicate” nuances of the personal lives of leading workers of the RSDLP, information about their circle of acquaintances, habits and passions (primarily bad ones). The cases against Lenin, Stalin, Sverdlov, Molotov, Bukharin, Voroshilov, Kamenev, Zinoviev and other party leaders were especially “plump.” Encrypted telegrams from Bolshevik financial emissaries intercepted by the KRO testified to the increased activity of the party's leadership in the fall of 1917. Counterintelligence officers tried to find out the sources of powerful financial support for the Bolshevik center in Petrograd, but the outbreak of the revolution did not allow them to get to the bottom of this secret.
During interrogations, Lebedev outlined in detail many of the nuances of the KRO’s activities. According to the instructions, the “red card file” in emergency circumstances was to be preserved in one of the caches. Lebedev did not know which of the KRO employees was assigned to carry out this mission by the last head of counterintelligence of the Petrograd Military District, Colonel Nikolai Dmitriev.
Yagoda tried to find Dmitriev, but his traces were lost back in 1917. Then “Iron Heinrich” reported about the “red file” to Stalin and proposed to arrest two former employees of the Air Defense KRO and 17 former counterintelligence officers of the Provisional Government discovered in Leningrad. Stalin agreed. However, their interrogations in 1925 did not add anything new to Lebedev’s information. Soon, those arrested had to be released due to the lack of evidence of a crime: the apogee of sweeping accusations and mass repressions had not yet arrived.
The “Red Card File” came into its own again at the end of 1927, when the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky escalated. In the foreign press and even in individual Russian publications, where Trotsky’s influence was felt, publications appeared about Stalin and his henchmen with revealing details of their revolutionary activities and personal lives before 1917. An analysis of what was published showed that Trotsky had access to some source of information dangerous to Stalin. If this information were put at the service of the leader, he could profitably use it in the fight against ideological opponents. And Stalin began searching for the card index.
By March 1928, the OGPU of Leningrad, on orders from Moscow, arrested almost all employees of the KRO Air Defense who worked there from February to October 1917. In October, the investigative case against them was sent to the Special Meeting of the OGPU Collegium. Many defendants were sentenced to death. Although the investigation was conducted by experienced Moscow and Leningrad OGPU officers, and Yagoda personally monitored the progress of the investigation, it was not possible to get to the “red file”. And then it was decided to thoroughly check the archives and storage facilities of Leningrad, to thoroughly “probe” their employees and specialists from interacting organizations. It turned out that the archives contain a lot of unaccounted and unknown information to the authorities related to the activities of various departments and institutions of past governments.
Beginning in November 1928, all information relating to the Bolshevik elite was vigorously removed from the Leningrad archives and sent to the Center without the right to copy. But the wholesale cleaning of archival storage facilities did not produce any results. The “red file cabinet” has vanished into thin air.
With the help of historians and archival workers, we tried to uncover this mystery of the twentieth century. In the Central Archive of the FSB, in Stalin’s personal archive, in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, it was not possible to find materials that would complement the already known information about the “red card index”. But in Stalin’s personal fund, I was lucky enough to find the first mention in the materials of the tsarist secret police about Joseph Dzhugashvili and two documents indicating that the “red card index” was used at least twice: during the First World War and during the political battle between Stalin and Trotsky .
For the first time, the name of Joseph Dzhugashvili was mentioned in the materials of the Tsarist secret police in the report of the head of the Tiflis provincial gendarme department dated July 12, 1902 No. 3499: “According to the testimony of a group of witnesses, Georgy Chkheidze, Joseph Dzhugashvili are suspected of creating a secret circle of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in Tiflis , Anna Krasnova, Alexey Zakamolkin, Votslav Kulavsky... A preventive measure has been taken against the listed persons - detention."
It seems that for the first time such a character trait of Dzhugashvili as despotism was noticed by the tsarist secret police in 1903. Here is a document mentioning this:
"Top secret
To Mr. Director of the Police Department, 1903, January 29, Tiflis
I have the honor to report to Your Excellency that... in Batumi, the head of the revolutionary organization is Joseph Dzhugashvili, who is under special police supervision... Dzhugashvili’s despotism finally outraged many, and a split occurred in the organization, which is why this month a person under the special supervision of the police traveled to the city of Batumi. special supervision of Dzhigladze. He managed to reconcile the warring parties and settle all misunderstandings.
Head of the Tiflis search agency
Captain Lavrov."
But for the first time a description of the appearance of the future leader is given:
“Gazette No. 1841
About persons subject to search
1904, March, 15 days.
...From the peasants of the village of Didi-Lilo, Tiflis district and province, Joseph Dzhugashvili, 24 years old, Orthodox. Signs: height 2 arshins 6 vershoks, pockmarked face, brown eyes, black hair on head and beard. Special feature: the movement of the left arm is limited due to an old dislocation.
The physique is mediocre, gives the impression of an ordinary person. The forehead is straight, low, the nose is straight, long, the face is long... There is no front molar on the right side of the lower jaw, the chin is sharp, the voice is quiet, there is a mole on the left ear.
Head of the Irkutsk Gendarmerie Directorate, Colonel Levitsky.”
Another unique document from the archives of the Tsarist secret police is “Album of persons registered by the general detective police on suspicion of espionage.” It contains photographs and incriminating information on 85 people arrested in 1916, including many members of the RSDLP. There is no information about the party leaders who were abroad at that time, but the contents of the “Album” indirectly indicate the existence of a certain bank of information of a military-political and private nature regarding the party leader and her associates.
The third document is a recording of Zinoviev’s retelling of the contents of one of the issues of the German newspaper Vorwärts for 1927. We are talking about an anonymous article that provides information about the expropriatory activities of the Bolsheviks (including on the direct orders of Lenin) until 1917. It is also reported that Stalin had an intimate relationship with a local woman during his exile in the Turukhansk region, and the birth of a child. By the way, much later, after the death of the “leader,” this information was confirmed in his memoirs by the old Bolshevik I.D. Perfilyev. There is reliable information that during the Great Patriotic War, Stalin sent money transfers to Siberia, although he never testified anywhere about his illegitimate son.
I mentioned this not at all with the aim of giving out a “fried fact”, but only to indicate that Trotsky most likely had access to the materials of the “red card file” and even tried to use these materials for his own purposes.
The famous historian Viktor Mikhailovich Gilensen commented on the information I received about the “red card file”:
- Of course, such a file cabinet existed. But I believe that when some modern historians refer to it to accuse the Bolsheviks of spying for Germany, these attempts have purely propaganda purposes. In any case, such information is not confirmed by other sources. I studied German archives, including the archive of the chief of German intelligence and counterintelligence during the First World War, Walter Nicolae, but did not find a single document in favor of the version of the espionage activities of the Bolsheviks.
As for the traces of the card index, it could have been taken by Trotsky abroad when Stalin expelled him from Russia. It was not in vain that the “leader” regretted that Trotsky was allowed to take away many documents without even checking them. While in exile, Trotsky gradually released some incriminating evidence to the press. Perhaps he simply did not have time to fully publish the card index - the NKVD finally reached out to him, depriving him of his life.
It cannot be ruled out that Stalin nevertheless found the file cabinet and destroyed it, using only part of the material in the fight against his opponents - it was not for nothing, apparently, that many of them so resignedly signed the “execution” testimony.
Or maybe the file cabinet is still stored in one of the pre-revolutionary caches of the KRO Air Defense? Then only some lucky researcher in the future will have to find it.
Failed assassination attempt
In the Stalin archive, I discovered the case of the military tribunal of the Southern and Donetsk Railways “On the delay of the emergency train of Comrade I.V. Stalin.” As one might assume, we are talking about the very first attempt on the life of the future Secretary General in 1920.
The Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front received a government telegram.
"Kharkov, August 19, 1920. From Belgorod N 1587-99-18-2-10. Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front to Berzin.
At 20.30 on August 18, after my train departed for Moscow from Kharkov, we were stopped by a semaphore. I installed: the semaphore was not open. Five minutes after the incident with the semaphore, my train was sent onto the wrong track and into the freight yard. The crash was avoided thanks to the skill of the driver. In informing you about this, I ask that those responsible be held accountable. Let us know what measures you have taken...
Member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Stalin Republic."
For some reason, the front's Revolutionary Military Council did not show zeal in investigating the incident. Only 12 days later, a meeting of the board of the Yuzhdonzheldor Revolutionary Military Tribunal took place, which decided that investigator Kozlov should be entrusted with conducting the case.
This investigator conducted the investigation, apparently, without particularly delving into some of the “dark” moments. He limited himself to collecting written testimony from officials and made his conclusion. The inquiry lasted two and a half months - from September 2 to November 18, 1920. The investigative materials contain interesting everyday details of that time.
“Testimony of the duty reception post of Kharkov-Sortirovochnaya station Stanislav Nesterovich Lyakhovich, peasant, 43 years old, Roman Catholic.
18.08 at 21 hours 45 minutes while waiting for emergency train N 1122... I personally examined the switches in the presence of policemen Rebrikov and Medvedev and told the switchmen Nosov and Oberemka: how the emergency train will pass to the Northern post, open the semaphore and keep the switch on. When I subsequently arrived at the post to meet Comrade’s train. Stalin, I could not check the position of the arrow due to the lack of lighting lamps. I saw that the train was on its way to the freight station when it was too late to do anything other than stop the train."
“Testimony of the switchman at the Kharkov-Sortirovochnaya station Ilya Nikolaevich Nosov, a peasant from the Oryol province, 22 years old, Orthodox.
At approximately 21:45, Lyakhovich told me that an emergency train would pass from Kharkov. I ordered switchman Oberemka to open the semaphore... I personally controlled the switch's translation. But just before the passage of the emergency train, due to an upset stomach, I left the switch, but again repeated to Oberemka that the switch should be on the main track before the passage of the emergency train.
When I was returning from the booth, I saw that the train was heading towards the Sortirovochnaya. I shouted to Oberemka to flag the train to stop. I don’t know why Oberemok changed the switch to Sortirovochnaya..."
“Testimony of the switchman at the Kharkov-Sortirovochnaya station, Ivan Ivanovich Oberemka, a peasant of the Kharkov province, 22 years old, Orthodox.
...Ten minutes before the arrival of the emergency train, someone on the phone ordered me to move the switch to the marshalling yard. Only when the train entered the switch, I noticed from its appearance that it was an emergency, and began to give a stop signal."
The above testimony formed the basis for the conclusion of investigator Kozlov, which looks like this: “Based on Stalin’s telegram to I.V. dated August 19 of this year and the pre-war tribunal resolution of comrade Kuni superimposed on it, I carried out the following investigation.
On the evening of August 18 this year. a telegraph message was received about the passage of emergency train N 1122. At 21:50 the route was received, but the specified train departed only at 23:00 on the same date. The delay is explained as follows.
Duty chipboard of the freight post comrade. Cherkasov, despite the fact that a request was received for the unhindered passage of the emergency train, continued to carry out maneuvers. Train No. 1122 was stopped at the semaphore and stood for 10 to 15 minutes. Then the train proceeded to the southern post, where the second incident of unauthorized stop of the emergency train occurred. Then at 11:22 p.m. the train was directed along the wrong track. The DSP of this post, Comrade Lyakhovich, having received notification of the passage of an emergency train, gave personal orders to switchmen Nosov and Oberemok to open a switch to the main track leading to the northern post. Nosov prepared the arrow himself and ordered Oberemka to hold it this way until the emergency train arrived. He himself left for natural needs. For some reason, switchman Oberemok, just before the train passed (he himself refers to some unconfirmed telephone orders), moved the switch to Sortirovochnaya, where the emergency train passed. The error was quickly noticed by driver Kondratyev. The train was stopped after traveling 25 fathoms along the wrong track.
I don’t see any malicious intent in the actions of the perpetrators.”
On November 18, 1920, another meeting of the Yuzhdonzheldor Revolutionary Military Tribunal took place. Here is an extract from protocol No. 908: “Heard: a case on charges of the DSP of the freight post of the Southern Railway Lyakhovich, switchmen Oberemok and Nosov with negligence in their official duties and failure to take measures for the non-stop passage of Comrade Stalin’s emergency train. Resolved: on the basis of the amnesty of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on 3 anniversary of the October Revolution, the matter should be stopped."
Reading this resolution, you involuntarily compare it with the delay in the investigation until the amnesty. Did the “iron” guys from the Revolutionary Tribunal take pity on the elementary slobs from the Kharkov station, thus saving them from execution, which, according to the laws of the civil war, in this case could have been taken? Or maybe by terminating the amnesty case they were covering up someone’s serious but unfulfilled plans?..
It is likely that what happened on August 18, 1920 was the result of ordinary carelessness. But the strange call to the switchman Oberemko, coupled with the even more strange attitude of investigator Kozlov to this fact (who did not even ask himself who called and for what purpose) give rise to the assumption of the possibility of a conspiracy. Moreover, there is another document in the case, which the investigator did not pay attention to at all. Here he is.
"Report from the patrol mechanic Mikhail Gladilin to comrade member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front Berzin
...On August 18 at 23:50 after the departure of the emergency train Comrade. Stalin... on the descent, when braking was difficult, there were carts loaded with some kind of rubbish on the way. The driver was not warned about this. But thanks to his quick reaction, the train immediately slowed down and crashed into the bogies, throwing them off the track without catastrophic consequences... If not for the driver’s reaction, the matter would have taken a very serious turn. It is unknown where these carts came from.
I ask Comrade Berzin to give this report the proper treatment and bring the perpetrators to justice.”
MOSCOW, June 11 – RIA Novosti. The Federal Archives Agency (Rosarkhiv) launched on Tuesday a unique website, Documents of the Soviet Era, which provided electronic access to more than 400 thousand materials from the personal collection of Joseph Stalin and the Politburo of the Communist Party Central Committee.
The project is based on documents from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History - the former Central Party Archive of the CPSU, said the head of the Russian Archive, Andrei Artizov, at the presentation of the site on Tuesday.
All materials are divided into two blocks: materials of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) for the years 1919-1933 and materials from Stalin’s personal fund for all the years of the leader’s life.
The total volume is 390 thousand pages or approximately 100 thousand documents. The digitization work took about five years. Documents can not only be read, but also printed and bookmarked in the text. It is also important that users can receive a code for quoting on social networks, such as Twitter and Facebook.
Artizov pointed out the importance of publishing documents in light of the preparation of a new history textbook. This issue was discussed the day before at a meeting of the presidium of the Russian Historical Society.
“The process of self-identification of modern Russia will not be completed until we, through joint efforts, develop a balanced approach to the Soviet era. An approach that will be based on objective analysis and will soberly assess both the achievements of that time and the price that society and citizens had to pay for these achievements," Artizov noted.
The rector of the Russian State University for the Humanities, historian Efim Pivovar, agrees with him.
“Both the cognitive and methodological elements of this process are important. We are at the stage of preparing a new generation of history textbooks. These materials, previously inaccessible to a wide range of readers, should be reflected in educational literature for secondary and higher schools,” the rector said.
“There are a lot of discussions about these subjects and this open access to information will allow us to dismiss some radical positions, will allow us to use a scientific approach to analyze those processes that took place and which we do not hush up, but are ready to study and interpret at a new level using all the wealth materials," he added.
March 1953. Farewell to the "Father of Nations"Sixty years ago, on March 5, 1953, the Soviet party, state and military leader Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died. During the funeral of the “father of nations,” a stampede occurred in the area of Trubnaya Square, in which people died. From several hundred to two to three thousand people died.The head of Rosarkhiv also said that the English version of the site will eventually become available in other countries of the world, in particular in the USA. “This will be a paid subscription, part of the income from which will go to the Russian budget,” he said.
According to Artizov, Rosarkhiv plans to publish documents on the activities of the Soviet military administration in Germany, the German trophy fund and documents of the State Defense Committee for the 70th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War.
Page 3 of 18
Chapter 2
LETTERS TO STALIN. FROM HIS PERSONAL ARCHIVE
A.V. Lunacharsky: “Don’t forget me...”
Spring 1925. The party continues to discuss the article by L. D. Trotsky “Lessons of October”. Ordinary illiterate communists from the machine tool who joined the RCP (b) at the “Leninist call” understand little about what is happening. Not only is there much that is not clear to them, it is difficult for even such figures as People’s Commissar of Education A.V. Lunacharsky to figure it out. And he addresses a letter to I.V. Stalin.
"April 1, 1925
Sov. secret
Expensive
Like probably many others, I find myself in a strange position. Still, I am listed as a member of the Government of the RSFSR, and yet I know nothing about what is happening in the party. Rumors are swirling, heterogeneous and contradictory.
However, the point is not that I ask you to show me the path to valid information. I want to write to you that I am always ready to carry out any task or assignment to the best of my ability, modest, but also remarkable. At the same time, I have long been accustomed to consider you, among our leaders, the most infallibly sensitive and to believe in your steely “firm flexibility.”
I don't impose myself on the party. She better see who to use and how. But in a big deal you can forget this or that. Let me remind you that you can have your way with me unconditionally. With comm, hello
A. Lunacharsky."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 760. L. 150-150 rpm. Autograph.
There is no Stalinist resolution on the letter. The file contains a typewritten copy certified by the head of the Bureau of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) L. 3. Mekh-lis. In the upper right corner there is a note:
“PB. Archive of Stalin. Mehlis. 1/III". But this letter probably influenced Stalin’s decision to accept a closed letter to local party organizations explaining the essence of disagreements at the top of the party, which was adopted on April 26, 1925 by the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), summing up the results of the internal party discussion.
A. I. Rykov: “Grisha will answer it...”
At the beginning of February 1926, J. V. Stalin’s work “On Questions of Leninism” was published as a separate brochure, in which he polemicized with G. E. Zinoviev on the main issues of the theory and practice of building socialism. A. I. Rykov, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, responded to it.
The letter is on the letterhead of the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.
“February 6, 1926.
Strictly confidential
Comrade Stalin
I read your brochure. I read between appointments, phone calls, signing papers, etc. Therefore, I could have missed a lot. It seems to me that the chapter on dictatorship is the most responsible. Dictatorship is interpreted as violence, and this, of course, is correct in all respects. But the brochure does not contain sufficiently clear and precise formulations regarding the fact that the forms of dictatorship and forms of violence change depending on the situation, that the dictatorship does not exclude, for example, “revolutionary legality,” even one or another expansion of suffrage. In conditions of civil peace, of course, dictatorship is carried out differently than in conditions of civil war. The extrajudicial use of violence, in accordance with the weakening of hostile forces, is decreasing and will continue to decrease. This applies, for example, to the application of capital punishment. The revitalization of the soviets and the increase in the rights of volost and district soviets, with the involvement of wide circles of the non-party peasantry in them, does not at all contradict the dictatorship of the proletariat and can only be implemented under certain conditions (unification of all working and exploited people around the working class and the communist party). It seems to me that something needs to be done on this topic so that the reader can find in the brochure the answer to some of the pressing questions of modern reality.
The brochure seems correct to me. Grisha will answer it, and I’m afraid that we will have to endure a new literary battle, although we still cannot do without it.
A. I. Rykov."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 797. Typescript with corrections by the author.
His autograph.
Grisha is Grigory Efimovich Zinoviev (Radomyslsky). 1926 was his last year as a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee as chairman of the Leningrad Soviet and chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.
G. V. Chicherin:
“Coming from you, this is inconvenient...”
"November 2, 1926
Comrade Stalin
Dear comrade,
They didn’t give you my note yesterday, in which I pointed out to you that everyone abroad - both the press and governments - considers you the leading person of the USSR and regards your every word as a government manifesto; Therefore, it is extremely inconvenient for you to use such expressions as “either we will beat them up, or they will beat us up” about other states. Or are we preparing for war? Where is our peaceful policy?
Chicherin."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 824. L. 51. Autograph.
The note dated November 1, which the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR G.V. Chicherin asks about, is missing from the archives.
M. S. Olminsky:
“We need to act through the measures of the GPU”
On November 7, 1927, on the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution, Trotskyists and Zinovievites held alternative demonstrations in Moscow and Leningrad. Slogans calling for a change in party leadership floated above the columns.
Critic and publicist, chairman of the Society of Old Bolsheviks M. S. Olminsky (Alexandrov) turned to I. V. Stalin about this.
"November 10, 1927
Comrade Stalin
Comrade! The behavior of the opposition caused the party and press to evaluate it as “stupid and shameful” on November 7th. Let me disagree with this assessment. I assume that the leaders are carrying out a plan of treason against the party and the Union, that they are preparing the ground for themselves in the bourgeoisie. states - for example, in the ranks of socialist traitors.
They say they need to be sent abroad. It's like condemning a pike to drown in a river.
We need to act using the measures of the GPU and not be late.
I repeat: you can’t rely on the stupidity of Kamenev, Trotsky and Zinoviev. Otherwise, we ourselves will remain fools.
M. Olminsky."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 781. D 25. Typescript.
N. Osinsky:
“Do we need to drive them to the North?”
"January 1, 1928
Copy
Personally
Dear Comrade Stalin,
Yesterday I found out that V.M. Smirnov was being sent to somewhere in the Urals for three years (apparently to the Cherdyn district), and today, having met Sapronov on the street, I heard that he was being sent to the Arkhangelsk province for the same period. Moreover, they need to leave on Tuesday, and Smirnov has just pulled out half of his teeth to replace them with artificial ones, and is now forced to go toothless to the Ural North.
At one time, Lenin sent Martov abroad with all the comforts, and before that he was concerned about whether he had a fur coat and galoshes. All this is because Martov was once a revolutionary. Our former party comrades who are now being expelled are people who are deeply mistaken politically, but they have not ceased to be revolutionaries - this cannot be denied. Not only will they be able to return to the party someday (even if they fanfare about the new party and that the old one has outlived its usefulness), but if difficult times happen, they can serve it in the same way as they served in October.
The question is therefore, is it necessary to drive them to the North and actually pursue a line towards their spiritual and physical destruction? I don't think so. And I don't understand why I can't send them
abroad, as Lenin did with Martov, or 2) settle inside the country, in places with a warm climate, and where Smirnov, for example, could write a good book about credit.
Expulsions of this kind only create unnecessary bitterness among people who cannot yet be considered lost and to whom the Party, in the past, has often been a stepmother, not a mother. They intensify the whispers about the similarities between our current regime and the old police system, and also about the fact that “those who made the revolution are in prison and exile, while others rule.” This is very harmful whispering for us and why give him extra food? Moreover, our attitude towards political opponents from the camp called “socialist” has until now been determined only by the desire to weaken their influence and work, but not to avenge them, that is, for this influence and work.
I don’t know whether these measures are being taken with your knowledge and consent, and therefore I considered it necessary to inform you about this and express my thoughts. I write solely on my own initiative, and not at their request or without their knowledge.
With friendly greetings from Osinski."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 12-13. Certified typewritten copy.
Briefly about the author and the persons mentioned in his letter. N. Osinskiy is the pseudonym of V.V. Obolensky. At the time of writing the letter, he held the position of manager of the Central Statistical Office; in 1929 he became deputy chairman of the Supreme Economic Council. Died in 1938.
V. M. Smirnov, for whom he stood up, was a Trotskyist and worked as a member of the Presidium of the State Planning Committee of the USSR. In 1926 he was expelled from the party, but was soon reinstated. In December 1927 he was expelled again. In 1937 he was repressed.
T.V. Sapronov also shared Trotsky’s views. Since 1922 he was secretary and member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In December 1927 he was expelled from the party and exiled. Repressed in 1938.
L. Martov (M. O. Tsederbaum) - one of the leaders of Menshevism, after the October Revolution he opposed Soviet power. In 1920 he emigrated to Germany and published the Socialist Messenger there. Died in 1923.
This is the fate of Osinsky’s letter. The original was returned to the author with the following note from Stalin:
“Comrade Osinskiy!
If you think about it, you will understand that you have no reason, moral or otherwise, to blaspheme the party, or take on the role of super between the party and the opposition. I am returning your letter to you as insulting to the party. As for taking care of Smirnov and other oppositionists, you have no reason to doubt that the party will do everything possible and necessary in this regard. I. Stalin." 3/1-28
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 14. Typescript. O
In the archival file there is also a handwritten version, written under dictation, with Stalin’s edits. (Ibid. L. 15.)
The next day N. Osinsky writes to J.V. Stalin:
“Comrade Stalin, I don’t need to think much or little about whether I can be an arbiter between the party and the opposition or anyone else. You understand my point of view and psychology completely wrong.
That the decision regarding the expulsions was made by the party authority, I did not know and in good faith thought otherwise. I didn’t find it in the PB protocols - maybe it was decided secretly. My message to you was purely personal. I wrote the letter personally on a travel typewriter (just like this one) and personally brought it to the Central Committee. I would have brought it home, but in 1924 I tried to do this and was sent to your secretariat, although it was a very secret matter. On this letter I wrote “personal”, believing that your personal letters are not opened by secretaries.
My psychology is that I consider myself entitled to have an independent opinion on certain issues and to express this opinion (sometimes - in the most acute cases - only to you personally, or to you and Rykov, as you remember, during the congress).
I've learned two lessons on this topic lately. Regarding grain procurements, Rykov said that I needed to “fill my throat with lead.” You returned the letter to me. Well, if this is not possible, I will take it into account.
But what’s simpler: let me go abroad to work on a book for a year - and you won’t be a bother at all.
With friendly greetings Osinsky
4.1.1928
P.S. I will try to send this letter to you “only in person, with a receipt on the envelope.”
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 16. Typescript with editing by the author. Signature and postscript - autograph.
K. E. Voroshilov: “Yakira or Gamarnika?”
September 16, 1929
Cipher
Sochi. Stalin
Telegraph your opinion about the candidates for the post of Nachpur. I personally nominate candidates - Yakir or Gamarnik. Some people mention the names of Postyshev and Kartvelishvili. The issue needs to be resolved as soon as possible, since a bad impression is being created due to the lack of a deputy for Bubnov.
Voroshilov."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 74. L. 3. Autograph.
K. E. Voroshilov was the People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs of the USSR, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR. He proposed to appoint I. E. Yakir, commander of the troops of the Ukrainian Military District, or Ya. B. Gamarnik, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus, to the vacated post of Nachpur - head of the Political Directorate of the Red Army - instead of A. S. Bubnov, who had become People's Commissar of Education. P. P. Postyshev was then the secretary of the Kharkov district committee and the city party committee and at the same time the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine, L. I. Kartvelishvili was the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Georgian SSR.
The next day the answer came:
“Voroshilov. You can appoint either Yakir or Gamarnik, the others are not suitable. Stalin." (Ibid.)
The political department of the Red Army was headed by Ya. B. Gamarnik, and Yakir could have done so.
Wife of convicted N.D. Pleskevich:
“When I was drunk, I tore off your portrait.”
“Dear comrade. Stalin!
Sorry for my boldness, but I decided to write you a letter. I turn to you with a request, and only you, you alone can kiss this, or rather, forgive my husband. In 1929, while drunk, he tore your portrait from the wall, for which he was brought to justice for a period of three years. He still has 1 year and 2 months left to sit, but he can’t stand it, he’s sick, he has tuberculosis. His specialty is a mechanic, from a working-class family, he has never been a member of any counter-revolutionary organizations. He is 27 years old, he was ruined by youth, stupidity, and thoughtlessness; He has already repented of this a thousand times.
I ask you to shorten his sentence or replace it with forced labor. He is already severely punished, before, before this, he was blind for two years, now he is in prison.
I ask you to forgive him, at least for the sake of the children. Do not leave them without a father, they will be forever grateful to you, I beg you, do not leave this request in vain. Maybe you can find at least five minutes of free time to tell him something comforting - this is our last hope for you.
His last name is Pleskevich Nikita Dmitrievich, he is in Omsk, article 58, or rather, in the Omsk prison.
Don't forget us, Comrade Stalin.
Forgive him, or replace him with forced labor.
10.XII-30
Wife and children Pleskevich
I can send you a copy of the verdict, just please respond. Do not forget".
I responded. Did not forget. I read a letter from a simple peasant woman distraught with grief, was indignant at the extravagance of the local sycophants and gave the appropriate order, as evidenced by this document:
Telegram
Novosibirsk PPOGPU Zakovsky
By order of Comrade Yagoda Pleskevich Nikita Dmitrievich release point HP 13566 Bulanov.
Secretary of the OGPU Collegium Bulanov
December 28, 1930
Central Election Commission FSB. F. 2. On. 9. D.P.L. 76, 80.
Writer Vsevolod Ivanov: “Give me a thousand dollars”
The following letter was sent no later than July 24, 1930.
“Dear Joseph Vissarionovich, this document, unlike the one I sent you six months ago, will concern only me personally.
Burdened with debts (of which I have 14 thousand), family and other1 sins, I have accumulated a passion for how much material in order to write some big and modern thing. It’s difficult for me to tackle this thing now, since I’m forced to write short stories in order to support my family, financial inspector and smooth out other absurdities of our writing life. A. M. Gorky has been calling me for a long time and invited me to go to Italy in order to sit there in the shade of the appropriate trees and stones and write something more impressive. Now I turned to him with a request that he support my petition to the Union Government to allow me to go to Italy for six months with my family (three guys and a wife) and that I be allowed and given $1,000 worth of currency. It is with this request that I turn to you. I myself understand that money is now a currency - much needed for the Republic, but in America and Japan my play “Armored Train” is being performed in large and good theaters, I think that abroad it will be easier for me to force these theaters to pay me royalties and From these copyrights, I undertake to return the amount that Narkomfin will give me. In addition, I have an agreement with the largest publishing house in Europe, Ulstein, for the novel that I am thinking of finishing in Italy, and by selling this novel, I will also be able to return the money. I believe that through my labors in favor of the Republic I have earned some trust.
The second reason why I turned to you is this: after the famous story with B. Pilnyak, the Soviet public developed a certain wary attention to fellow travelers and, along with Evg. Zamyatin and others quite often mentioned my name as a decadent and even a mystic. These statements remain on the conscience of our critics and they were caused by my book “The Secret of the Secret” and some stories, the style of which I myself have now abandoned and the motives of which were drawn to life from my purely personal, bad moods. Now I myself would gladly refuse them, but what is written with a pen - and, in addition, “eternal” - cannot be cut out with an ax. Now I have visited many places in Russia, traveled with a writing team to Central Asia - to the most backward Soviet republic of Turkmenistan - and I myself feel, and others say, that my spirit has become stronger. But, - the well-known shadow of the right fellow traveler still lies heavily on me, and I think that if I had asked for a passport, which would indicate that the Nth writer intends to leave with his wife and children, the possibility is not excluded that some authorities would have reacted They would approach this with irony and think: “Where is he going?” It wouldn’t be better for him to sit still and so on,” and as for the money, they wouldn’t have given it out even without irony, so even having received a passport, I wouldn’t have been able to leave.
Three years ago I was already in Europe, but I saw only Europe superficially - and did not write anything about Europe.
Now, after I have finished my work in Italy, I am thinking, after sending my family back, to go to the Ruhr myself... the metallurgical regions of Germany in order to see how and how European workers live. I need this so that in the spring of next year I can go to the heart of Donbass and try to write a novel about Soviet miners - “Coal Miners”, in some way, in which I would like to draw a parallel between European and Soviet miners, and not by looking at life and needs of European workers, this is difficult to do.
I understand that the tasks that I set for myself are very difficult and responsible, but I believe that for the love and excellent attitude that I have encountered since the beginning of my literary activity from the Soviet public, I am obliged to pay my public debt to Soviet art and pay it truly and well. This debt can only be repaid with large and wide-ranging works that would reflect the era and the people who created it. I write this without bragging, but because everyone must believe and work with this faith in their talent. And if it doesn’t work out: roll downhill - and I agree to roll down this slope without closing my eyes while the courier train is moving at full speed.
That is why I decided to write you this letter, and finishing it, I repeat once again that I will not go to Europe as an idle tourist and spy - these years have already passed and will not return - I will go as a writer who is obliged and must compare these two worlds, opposed to each other and which may very soon have to face each other with weapons in their hands. I love my country, I am her servant and her weapons are my weapons.
I wish you all the best in fulfilling the global and most responsible role that has fallen to your lot.
Vsevolod Ivanov
My address: Pervaya Meshchanskaya, building 6, apt. 2
or the magazine “Krasnaya Nov”, Ilyinka, Staro-Pansky, building 4.”
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 718. L. 43-45. Typescript,
signature - autograph.
The letter of the writer V.V. Ivanov (1895-1963) was considered in the Organizing Bureau on July 24, in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on July 26, 1930. Two days before the consideration, the Organizing Bureau addressed Stalin to a telegram from Maxim Gorky from Italy: “Convincingly
I ask you to allow Vsevolod Ivanov to travel with his family to me in Sorrento and give him a thousand dollars. Bitter". On the telegram there is a note: “t. Kaganovich is for it.”
The Politburo decided: “Allow Comrade. Vsevolod Ivanov and his family to go abroad (to Sorrento) and be given thousands of dollars.”
V.V. Ivanov mentions in his address to Stalin the writers B.A. Pilnyak (1894-1941) and E.I. Zamyatin (1884-1937). The first of them is the author of the notorious “Tale of the Unextinguished Moon”, published in the magazine “New World” (No. 5 for 1926), in the plot of which the public saw an allusion to the murder of the People’s Commissar for Military Affairs M.V. Frunze, allegedly organized on the instructions of Stalin. In addition, Pilnyak wrote the story “The Mahogany Tree,” published in 1929 in Berlin. Both of these works appeared in the indictment brought against him in 1937.
E. I. Zamyatin published the novel “We” abroad in the late twenties in English, in which he depicted life and people in a totalitarian society in a grotesque form. In 1932 he emigrated abroad.
Arrested A.F. Andreev:
"Revolutionary legality must win"
“To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) comrade. Stalin
Reserve company commander Andrei Filippovich Andreev from the city of Zdorovets, Livensky district of the Central Black Sea Region
Statement
On October 1, 1918, I voluntarily enlisted in the Red Army, where I remained until 1923. All this time he was at the front, holding command positions up to and including regiment commander, was wounded and nominated for the Order of the Red Banner. Having returned home and living on a poor farm, I am exempt from agricultural taxes. All the time I waged a decisive struggle against the kulaks, the White Guards and the crimes of individual workers, exposing their actions through the printing of regional newspapers, of which I was a village correspondent until now. My notes were always confirmed, which is why a whole persecution began against me. In response to the complaints I submitted regarding the incorrect actions of the employees of the Zdorovetsky village council to the local prosecutor of the Livensky district, the latter did not take any measures, fell under the influence of criminal workers, White Guards, which is why a lot of outrages were happening in front of the population with impunity. White Guard officers infiltrated institutions, were even in the electoral commission of the Zdorovets village council and did their job. I, after all, gave everything for the revolution, was not afraid of any persecution and did not cease to be a village correspondent and a public worker. Based on the personal accounts of the kulaks, White Guards and criminal workers, last year I was purged from the collective farm, they wanted to deprive me of voting rights only because my father, a peasant, died 17 years ago, he once sold tobacco and matches - in the election commission at that time there was a White Guard officer Ivan Ivanovich Kozhukhov. I filed complaints with all district authorities, but I could not achieve anything. Now all these criminals, whose work I exposed through the press, ensured that I was arrested on December 1, 1930 and kept under arrest without any interrogation, without even presenting the reasons for the arrest. I submitted statements to both the local prosecutor and the representative of the GPU for the Livensky district, but no attention has yet been paid. All statements were obscured, and the prosecutor even warned me not to bother him with my statements. I did not lead companies, battalions and regiments into battle with the White Guards in order to now, through these same White Guards, sit under arrest and endure undeserved mockery. I gave everything for the revolution, and I can still be a good commander and worker. Addressing you, comrade. Stalin, I ask you to pay attention to my statement and provide assistance in getting out of this situation. Revolutionary legality must win, those responsible for my groundless arrest must be punished. The material on me is in the Livensky GPU - I confirm everything I have stated with the documentary data that I have. Reserve company commander - Andreev 23.1.31
Zdorovets, Livensky district, Central Black Earth region."
On the letter is the resolution of J.V. Stalin: “Comrade. Yagoda. Please immediately move any of your people (perfect) and in the Bolshevik way - honestly, quickly and impartially sort out the matter, and without regard to faces. I. Stalin. 2/11-31".
Central Election Commission FSB. F. 2. On. 9. D. 11. L. 138-140.
V. R. Menzhinsky:
“We ask you to establish the Order of Dzerzhinsky”
On November 14, 1932, the chairman of the OGPU V.R. Menzhinsky sent a letter to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, comrade. To Stalin:
“The resolution of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR introduced orders issued to military units, collectives, institutions and individuals for performing military feats or for special services to the revolution.
The specific working conditions of the OGPU bodies require from the operational staff personal endurance, initiative, selfless devotion to the party and the revolution, personal courage, often associated with the risk of life.
In most cases, these exceptional services to the revolution are performed by individual workers in a situation that cannot be classified as combat in the generally accepted sense, as a result of which a number of OGPU workers, despite their merits, remain unrecognized with the highest award - the Order of the Red Banner.
Based on this, the OGPU Board asks to establish the Order of “Felix Dzerzhinsky”, timed to coincide with the 15th anniversary of the Cheka - OGPU.
The Order of Felix Dzerzhinsky can be awarded to employees and military personnel of the OGPU, individual military units of the OGPU and the Red Army, as well as citizens of the USSR who have rendered outstanding services in the fight against counter-revolution.
The Order of Felix Dzerzhinsky is awarded by the Central Executive Committee of the USSR on the recommendation of the OGPU Board.
By presenting the draft resolution, sample and description of the order, we ask for your approval.
Appendix: 1. Draft resolution of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
2. Sample and description of the order."
Description of the Order of "Felix Dzerzhinsky" The Order of "Felix Dzerzhinsky" is a sign depicting a bas-relief of Felix Dzerzhinsky, placed on the Red Star, framed by a wreath of steel-colored laurel leaves. At the top there is a sword and a Red Banner with the slogan “Workers of all countries, unite!”, at the bottom of the order on a red ribbon is the inscription: “For the merciless fight against counter-revolution” - a symbol of readiness for a merciless fight against the enemies of the proletarian revolution.”
RCKHIDNI. F. 558. On. 1. D. 5284. L. 1-3. Script. On the document there is a resolution: “Against. Art."
A. M. Gorky:
“Give the prizes the name of Stalin”
On January 7-12, 1933, a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was held in Moscow. It was opened by J.V. Stalin with the report “Results of the First Five-Year Plan”. On January 11, he gave a speech “On work in the countryside.” From the warmth of Sorrento, Gorky responded to the events in the USSR.
“January 16, 1933.
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
The Secretariat of the History of the Civil War has completed the selection of material for the first four volumes.
Now it is necessary that the main editors approve the authors scheduled for processing the material, which I earnestly ask you to do. Authors must submit manuscripts by March 31. I beg you: move this matter forward! I have the impression that the main editors are sabotaging this work.
It was with a feeling of deepest satisfaction and admiration that I read your powerful, wise speech at the plenum. I am absolutely sure that it will cause an equally powerful echo throughout the working world. Under her calm, tightly constrained form there is hidden such a resounding thunder, as if you had squeezed into words all the roar of construction of the past years. I know that you do not need praise, but I think that I have the right to tell you the truth. You are a great man, a real leader, and the proletariat of the Union of Soviets is happy because it is headed by the second Ilyich in terms of the power of logic and inexhaustible energy. I firmly shake your hand, dear and respected comrade.
A. Peshkov."
On the back of a sheet of writing paper there is a note:
“And that the construction of the All-Union Institute for the Study of Man was extended for five years? This seems to me wrong and capable of cooling the enthusiasm of the scientific fraternity excited by you. You yourself said at the meeting that they have no reason to reckon with the second five-year plan and need to build in three years. The GPU even proposed building it in two. My haste can be explained as follows: in general, we are somewhat behind the construction of industry in the construction of cultural institutions. The Institute, in terms of the breadth and novelty of its goals, is an unprecedented phenomenon; the sooner it is implemented, the sooner we will win the attention and sympathy of scientists in Europe and America, and this “moral currency” can turn into real currency. You have probably heard about the free offer of services for the construction of the Institute by an American engineer? I have reason to think that we will receive many such and more significant practical proposals if we declare the construction of the Institute to be a priority.
Be healthy, dear I.V.!
16.1.33 A. Peshkov.
Alexei Tolstoy is starting an All-Union Comedy Competition - I am attaching a draft resolution on the competition.
Among writers there is a strong sense of excitement and a desire to work seriously, so the competition can give good results. But for the All-Union Competition, seven prizes are not enough; they should be increased to at least 15, and the amount of the first prize should be increased to 25 thousand - to hell with them! - and give the prizes the name of Stalin, because this idea comes from you.
Also: why only comedy? drama needs to be included.
Then I considered it necessary to especially emphasize the participation of writers from all republics and national minorities in the competition. It’s time for our central theaters to pay attention to Ukrainian, Georgian, Armenian and Tatar drama. This would be quite good for the purposes of mutual understanding and unity, which is what we lack. In the Union of Soviets, the process of mixing blood, the process of the birth of a new race, is widely developing, and therefore we must not forget about all the possibilities for mixing cultures.
Would you like to entrust one of your comrades with more skill to organize this competition? There is no need to exclude Tolstoy from the case; he is a “hasty” person, but very useful.
Sorry to bother you.
A.P."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 719. L. 97-97 vol., 98-98 vol. Autograph.
Gorky's letter was retyped in Stalin's secretariat. The typewritten copy shows his underlining. At the top is the resolution: “To the archive (mine). I. Stalin."
On February 3, 1933, he replied to Gorky:
“Dear Alexey Maksimovich!
I received a letter dated 16.1.33. Thank you for your kind words and “praise”. No matter how much people swagger, they still cannot be indifferent to “praise.” It is clear that I, as a person, am no exception.
1. The case with “Civil History.” war” the situation turns out to be worse than one might think. For orientation I am sending you
message from the secretariat “Civil History”. war" about the state of preparation and publication of the first 4 volumes. From the message you will see that even the dates of June - July 1933 for the first two volumes are not guaranteed. At a meeting of members of the secretariat with such an editorial board (I and Molotov were present), a decision was made on the first two volumes. Comrade Kryuchkov was absent, since he is now in Leningrad. Attached are the minutes of the meeting.
2. The case with the “All-Union Institute for the Study of Human Beings.” We will definitely move as soon as scientists from Leningrad present a concrete plan.
3. The competition for comedy (and drama) will be completed one of these days. We won’t let Tolstoy get rid of him. We will provide everything according to your requirements. As for “giving the prizes the name of Stalin,” I strongly (resolutely!) object. Hello! Shake your hand!
P.S. Take care of your health. I. Stalin."
APRF. F. 45. On. 16. D. 719. L. 102-102 vol. Autograph.
The idea of creating “The History of the Civil War in the USSR” belonged to A. M. Gorky. He became interested in it back in 1928. Three years later, at his insistence, the Politburo of the Central Committee adopted a resolution that stated: “To approve the initiative of Comrade A. M. Gorky and begin publishing “History of the Civil War” (1917-1921) in 10-15 volumes for the broad working masses.”
The first volume, edited by him personally, was published in 1937 - a year after the writer’s death. The second volume, prepared during Gorky's lifetime, was published in 1942. The third volume appeared in 1957, the fourth in 1959, the fifth (final) in 1960.
V. D. Bonch-Bruevich: “I wish I could catch these scoundrels”
The first manager of the affairs of the Council of People's Commissars, V.D. Bonch-Bruevich, having gone to work at the State Literary Museum in Moscow in 1933, was distinguished by his extraordinary activity in writing all kinds of letters. He bombarded the country's leaders with them for any reason.
"May 22, 1933
Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
Comrade To I.V. Stalin
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich, the other day they sent me a libel against Gorky by mail, the original of which I sent with a special letter to Comrade G. G. Yagoda. I am sending a copy of the letter to Comrade Yagoda, as well as a copy of this libel.
I believe that the most energetic order should be made to the OGPU to catch these scoundrels who allow themselves to send such vile things about Alexei Maksimovich through our mail.
With communist greetings Vlad. Bonch-Bruevich."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 719. L. 121. Typescript, signature - autograph.
The lampoon, which outraged Bonch-Bruevich, consisted of three quatrains under the general title “The Baron from Sorrento.” It rather sarcastically ridiculed the inconsistency of A. M. Gorky’s views and actions.
Stalin wrote on the text of the leaflet in black pencil: “Scoundrel! I. St." And in Bonch-Bruevich’s letter: “My arch. Art."
Of course, he also read a copy of the letter that Bonch-Bruevich sent to Yagoda.
“Dear Genrikh Genrikhovich,” said the letter to the deputy chairman of the OGPU. - I am sending you a copy (there is probably a typo here, the original was sent. - V.S.) of a libel against Gorky, which was sent to me in an envelope on May 16, 1933. This means that we have some dirty tricks in Moscow who allow themselves not only type on a typewriter, but also spread such vile and disgusting things. It would be very good to take this audience under the gills. I am sending you the original of this letter, which may help you by typing to determine where it is being prepared; also an envelope on which there is a postmark, and therefore it is possible to determine the area where this letter was dropped.”
K. B. Radek:
“I can’t allow him to be consciously guilty.”
"June 14, 1933
Dear Comrade Stalin!
I am contacting you on a question on which I did not consider it possible to contact you until now - on the question of the situation of E. A. Preobrazhensky.
I was with him all the time before exile and after returning on sincere and friendly terms, although we met very rarely. I knew what he was breathing. And I told you, Comrade Stalin, that E.A. was thinking about only one thing: how to get involved in work, how to help the party implement the five-year plan. He understood what was the basis of the old mistakes (we many times established in conversations the fallacy of our old attitude towards the question of the possibility of building socialism in one country), we realized that we were wrong against the main cadres of the party and you. Not only did he not maintain any connections with the Trotskyists, but he had neither thoughts nor sentiments that were a bridge to Trotskyism. His arrest, expulsion from the party and exile were a terrible surprise for me. Only later did I learn that he was accused of not informing the party about the existence of some opposition Tatar group in Kazan in 1929. I don’t know anything about his explanations regarding this accusation (he doesn’t write to me, apparently afraid of complicating my party position). But knowing his attitudes, I cannot admit his conscious guilt.
I did not contact you about this matter, just as I did not contact you about the case of Robinson’s arrested and exiled people. Bliskavitsky. Gaevsky. Bronstein, about whom I know that they worked honestly, devotedly, did not double-deal in relation to the party, and whose arrest was considered as a mistake by the OGPU, explainable and understandable in a necessary but difficult operation. I have not addressed you on these matters, although I believe that loyalty to the party requires not only fighting its enemies, but also helping the party when its fire hits its own guys by mistake. But I made a reservation that I have no special right to demand that you trust my statements. You must be distrustful and firm, for there are still greater trials ahead: only those who do not waver in them can be considered proven.
If now I nevertheless turn to you, it is because I learned that the child, to whom E.A. is very attached, is dangerously ill. Allow E.A. to visit the child for a few days, give him the opportunity to talk with one of the leading comrades. You know E.A. from the past, you know his strengths and weaknesses. I am convinced that if you or any of your close leading comrades talk to him, make sure that it is worth helping him get out of that terrible situation: agreeing with the party line and sitting in exile for old sins.
If what I write does not convince you (I may not know much about this matter), forgive the involuntary mistake. As I write this letter, I think that I am doing not only a good personal thing, but also a good party one. My appeal is dictated not only by my old friendship with E.A. (which I would not take into account if I thought that it was in conflict with the interests of the party), but also by affection for you and deep trust that you will understand the motives that guide me.
With warm regards, Karl Radek
14/VI
P.S. The situation of child E.A. has deteriorated greatly.”
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 791. L. 31-32. Autograph.
K. B. Radek (Sobelson) (1886-1939) - party publicist, collaborated with Pravda and Izvestia. He was subsequently convicted and killed by fellow inmates in prison.
E. A. Preobrazhensky (1886-1937) - a famous oppositionist to the Stalinist line. In October 1927, as a supporter of Trotsky, he was expelled from the party, and in January 1928 he was exiled to Uralsk. In 1929-1930 he worked in the State Planning Committee of the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In January 1930 he was reinstated in the RCP(b). Since 1932, member of the board of the People's Commissariat of Light Industry of the USSR, deputy head of the department of the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR. In January 1933, he was arrested and exiled to Kazakhstan for three years.
S. G. Robinson (1892-?), manager of the Moscow Tram Trust; N. M. Bliskavitsky (1897-?), Deputy Director of the Moscow plant named after. M. V. Frunze; D. S. Gaevsky (1897-?), director of Mosoblkoopstroy; L. I. Bronstein (1899-?), teacher of political economy at the Moscow Institute of Mechanics and Mathematics, were arrested and exiled in the case of the counter-revolutionary Trotskyist group I. P. Smirnov, V. A. Ter-Vaganyan, E. A. Preobrazhensky and others .
Sverdlov wanted to escape?
Incredible, but true: the fireproof cabinet of the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. M. Sverdlov after his death was not opened for 16 years.
Its contents became known only in 1935, and even later, almost 60 years later, from a declassified note from the USSR People's Commissar of Internal Affairs G. Yagoda addressed to I.V. Stalin.
"To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks"
Comrade Stalin
In the inventory warehouses of the commandant of the Moscow Kremlin, the fireproof cabinet of the late Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov was kept locked. The keys to the closet were lost.
We opened the cabinet and found in it:
1. Gold coins of royal minting in the amount of one hundred eight thousand five hundred twenty-five (108,525) rubles.
2. Gold items, many of which are set with precious stones, - seven hundred five (705) items.
3. Seven blank forms of royal-style passports.
4. Seven passports filled out in the following names:
A) Sverdlov Yakov Mikhailovich, B) Gurevich Cecilia-Olga,
B) Ekaterina Sergeevna Grigorieva,
D) Princess Baryatinskaya Elena Mikhailovna, D) Polzikov Sergei Konstantinovich, E) Romanyuk Anna Pavlovna, G) Klenochkin Ivan Grigorievich.
5. One-year passport in the name of Goren Adam Antonovich.
6. German passport in the name of Elena Steel.
In addition, royal credit notes worth only seven hundred fifty thousand (750,000) rubles were discovered.
A detailed inventory of gold products is made with specialists.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR (Yagoda)
July 27, 1935
No. 56568."
X. G. Rakovsky: “I give you assurance”
Kh. G. Rakovsky was a major party and government figure. In 1919-1920 he was a member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). But for opposition activities he lost all his posts and since 1934 he was just a modest head of the department of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR. In November 1927, by decision of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, he was expelled from the Central Committee, and later, at the XV Congress, expelled from the party for participation in the Trotskyist opposition. In 1935 he was reinstated into the CPSU(b). To celebrate, he wrote to Stalin.
"November 28, 1935
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich.
I found out yesterday about my return to the party and, yesterday, I received my party card.
This was a great and joyful event for me.
Let me, on this occasion, express to you my warm gratitude and my deep gratitude.
I give you the assurance, dear Joseph Vissarionovich, as the leader of our great party and as an old comrade in arms, that I will use all my strength and abilities to justify your trust and the trust of the Central Committee.
With Bolshevik greetings, sincerely devoted to you
X. Rakovsky
Moscow
28/XI.35.”
APRF. F. 45. On. 16. D. 801. L. 68. Autograph.
The letter from X. G. Rakovsky is a typewritten copy. By the hand of A. N. Poskrebyshev it is written on it: “From Comrade Rakovsky.” In the upper left corner of the note: “My arch. I. Stalin."
Rakovsky violated his assurance and, after being reinstated in the party, continued Trotskyist activities, for which he was again expelled from the CPSU(b) in 1937.
“Please rename it Kaganovichgrad”
The first secretary of the Chelyabinsk regional committee of the CPSU (b) addressed J.V. Stalin with the following letter:
“Comrade Stalin!
I would like your guidance on the following issue.
Over the past year and a half, regional organizations have been faced with the question of renaming the city of Chelyabinsk. These proposals were expressed by individual comrades both at the plenum of the regional party committee and at meetings of the city party activists.
Chelyabinsk translated into Russian means “pit”. Therefore, often in conversations the word “chelyaba” is used as something negative, backward. The name of the city has long been outdated; it does not correspond to the internal content of the city. The city changed radically during the years of the revolution, and especially during the years of the five-year plans. From an old Cossack-merchant town, the city turned into a major industrial center. That is why the old name of the city does not correspond to the actual situation today.
Therefore, we ask you to allow us to rename the city of Chelyabinsk to the city of Kaganovichgrad. It would be good to rename it at the upcoming regional congress of councils.
With communist greetings Ryndin 19.IX.36.”
APRF. F. 3. On. 61. D. 639. L. 15.
The letter contains a short resolution: “Against. Art."
E. D. Stasova:
“Rakosi has been in prison for 12 years”
E. D. Stasova (1873-1966) in 1937 was deputy chairman of the Executive Committee of the International Organization for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters, chairman of the Central Committee of the USSR Ministry of Defense. This probably gave her reason to turn to Stalin with the following petition:
"March 23, 1937
Owls, secret
In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
Comrade Stalin
Dear comrade!
Did you consider it possible to raise the issue of exchanging Comrade Matthias Rakosi? Currently, funds are being raised throughout Hungary for the transportation from the USSR and burial in Hungary of the remains of the famous Hungarian poet Gyény Geza, who died in Siberia as a prisoner of war. His remains have been found.
Maybe it would be possible to raise the question of exchanging Rakosi for the remains of this Geza plus trophies - the banners of the Hungarians taken during the suppression of the Hungarian uprising by Nicholas I?
Rakosi himself suggests that perhaps some economic transactions, purchases, orders, etc. would have an impact on the possibility of exchange.
Judging by the data we have, at present the moment for starting conversations about an exchange is more favorable than before, since in connection with the failed fascist putsch, the mood in the Hungarian leadership circles has changed significantly.
Finally, perhaps the question could be raised of Rakosi asking for Soviet citizenship, since he currently has no citizenship. His. his homeland is now in Yugoslavia, but he is not recognized as a citizen there.
The International Organization for Assistance to Fighters of the Revolution (MOPR) took a number of steps for its part to exert pressure from French public opinion. We count on some success, since now the Hungarian government is oriented towards France. Rakosi has been in prison for 12 years. Elena Stasova."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 805. L. 9. Typescript, signature - autograph.
On the text of the letter, a resolution was written in pencil: “To Molotov. It would be possible to instruct the NKID to probe the Hungarian ruling circles. Stalin." Below is the opinion of the head of the NKID: “For Molotov.”
Matthias Rakosi (1892-1971) worked in the Executive Committee of the Comintern from 1920 to 1924. In 1924 he returned illegally to Hungary, was arrested there and received eight years in prison. While serving his sentence, in 1934 he was tried again and sentenced to life imprisonment. Released in 1940.
The Hungarian poet Gyény Geza (1884-1917) participated in the First World War, was captured in 1915 and sent to a prisoner of war camp in Krasnoyarsk. He died there in June 1917.
Letter from E.M. Yaroslavsky to Stalin about beggars in Moscow and Yagoda’s message about their eviction
“Comrade Stalin
Recently, one can notice an increase in the number of beggars in a number of Moscow districts. As someone who has lived in Moscow for a long time, I can state that this increase is largely seasonal: it is observed in the spring with warming. But every year this appearance of beggars on the streets of Moscow becomes more and more intolerable for our socialist capital.
These beggars are located in their favorite places, for example, you can always see them on Vorovskogo Street closer to Arbat, where foreigners live (embassies). Dressed in peasant clothes, with small children in their arms (they say that sometimes children are also rented), they compassionately beg for bread, and when compassionate inhabitants turn to them with questions, they explain that they are from hungry collective farms. If you start asking them carefully what collective farm they are from, you will immediately see what they are making up.
It’s hard to say how many there are in Moscow, but at workers’ meetings, in notes, workers raise the question of why we allow begging. That many, if not most, of these beggars are professionals is evident from the fact that they stand on the streets for several years, even changing clothes.
Where do they sleep? They are said to spend the night under the stairs of various government offices, schools, residential buildings, etc.
They are undoubtedly carriers of anti-Soviet propaganda. It seems to me that it is time and we can put an end to this evil.
My proposal boils down to this: to decide what to do with them, carry out a one-day raid, find out exactly how many there are in Moscow, who they are, how long they have been begging, where they live - in order to get a completely clear picture of this phenomenon . Only after this will it be possible to make a concrete decision.
With communist greetings, Em. Yaroslavsky
February 23, 1935"
Yaroslavsky's letter was sent to the NKVD Yagoda. This is what the head of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs said.
“To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Comrade. Stalin
In connection with the note from Comrade Yaroslavsky, I consider it necessary to report that the Moscow police are systematically removing beggars from the streets and sending them to their homeland.
Thus, over the course of 1934, 12,848 people involved in begging were seized in Moscow, of which 12,231 were sent home, 408 people were placed in the Moscow social security department and 209 people were released on condition that they would not engage in begging in the future.
Of the total number of seized beggars in 1934, there were 4,399 men, 4,515 women, and 3,934 children. In January 1935, 702 people were confiscated, and in February - 893 people, of which 1,300 were sent home.
From the given figures of those deported to their homeland, it is clear that the overwhelming majority (95%) of those involved in begging are visitors, and the bulk are residents of the Alekseevsky district of the Kharkov region, Zhizdrinsky and Khvostoviches-
some districts of the Western region. Of these areas, the villages of Okhoche and Verkhniye Bezhki, Botkin and Nekhoch should be especially highlighted. These villages have been begging since tsarist times and look at it as an extra income. They are expelled and come again.
Most of those who come to beg are individual farmers, but there are also collective farmers. To characterize, here are a few examples:
1. Gubareva F.M. from the village of Okhoche, Alekseevsky district. She was expelled from Moscow three times for begging, she comes with two children of her brother, who works on a state farm, the whole family is individual farmers.
2. Nefedova D.M., also from the village of Okhoche, a sole proprietor, comes three times with three children, two stayed at home with her husband. He drives because everyone else drives.
3. Shcherbakov from the village of Votkino, Khvostovichesky district, was expelled several times, comes with one child, leaves his wife and second child at home. Collective farmer, has few workdays.
4. Ryabinina M.S. - a collective farmer of the Frunze collective farm, from the village of Okhoche, came to beg, since she has only 55 workdays for her family.
Native Muscovites, as I have already indicated, constitute a small minority, mostly elderly people living on dependents and pensioners. Here are some examples:
1. Ivanova, 65 years old, lives with her daughter at the Izolyator plant. The daughter does not want to support her mother, and the latter engages in begging.
2. Kostikova, 53 years old, lives with a 12-year-old son, is listed as a dependent of an adult son living separately, the son does not provide assistance.
Comrade's proposal Yaroslavsky about carrying out a raid in order to find out the contingent of beggars will not give anything real, because we have already sufficiently studied the contingent of 14 thousand people who have already been deported.
I ask that the seized beggars be allowed to be sent under escort to special settlements in Kazakhstan. I raised the issue of releasing funds for the placement of beggars in special settlements before the Council of People's Commissars of the Union on January 20 of this year under No. 55439.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Yagoda March 3, 1935 No. 55517.”
Central Election Commission FSB. F. 3. On. 2. D. 816. L. 1-6.
Parents of Genrikh Yagoda: “The son has become an enemy of the people and must suffer the deserved punishment”
"June 26, 1937
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
Many happy years of our life during the revolution are now overshadowed by the gravest crime against the party and the country of our only surviving son, G. G. Yagoda.
Our eldest son, Mikhail, at the age of 16, was killed on the barricades in Sormovo in 1905, and the third son, Lev, at the age of 19, was shot during the imperialist war by the tsarist executioners for refusing to go into battle for the autocracy. Their memory and our lives are darkened by the shameful crime of G. G. Yagoda, whom the party and the country endowed with exceptional trust and power. Instead of justifying this trust, he became an enemy of the people, for which he must suffer a well-deserved punishment.
Personally, I, Grigory Filippovich Yagoda, provided active assistance to the party for many years even before the revolution of 1905 (in particular, I helped the then young Ya. M. Sverdlov) and later. In 1905, an underground Bolshevik printing house was located in my apartment in Nizhny Novgorod (on Kovalikha, in Nekrasov’s house), and due to its failure and the discovery of printed proclamations, I served a sentence in a Nizhny Novgorod prison.
Now I am 78 years old. I am half blind and disabled.
I tried to raise my children in the spirit of devotion to the party and the revolution. What words can convey the full severity of the blow that befell me and my 73-year-old wife, caused by the crimes of my last son?
Addressing you, dear Joseph Vissarionovich, with the condemnation of the crimes of G. G. Yagoda, which we know only from the press, we consider it necessary to tell you that in his personal life for ten years he was very far from his parents and we are not We cannot in the slightest degree not only sympathize with him, but also bear responsibility for him, especially since we had nothing to do with all his affairs.
We, the elderly, ask you that we, who are in such difficult moral and material conditions, left without any means of subsistence (because we do not receive a pension), be provided with the opportunity to calmly live out our now short life in our happy Soviet-
skaya country. We ask you to protect us, sick old people, from various oppressions from the building management and the Rostokinsky district council, who have already begun to occupy our apartment and are obviously preparing other oppressions against us.
And today, June 26, in the evening, when we were just preparing to sign the letter, we were informed of our deportation from Moscow within five days, along with several daughters. Such a measure of repression against us seems undeserved to us, and we appeal to you for protection and justice, knowing your deep wisdom and humanity.
We cry out that in our declining years we should not be equated with the enemies of the people, for all our lives we have connected and continue to connect with the interests of the revolution, which we ourselves helped to the best of our ability and are ready to help to the end.
Our address: Moscow, Sadovo-Spasskaya, building No. 20,
sq. 29, phone number K 1-66-87.”
Central Election Commission FSB. D. 3097. L. 4.
There are no resolutions or instructions on the document. The fate of the parents of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Yagoda is unenviable. Father, Yagoda Grigory Filippovich (1859-1939), a native of Rybinsk, Yaroslavl province, a master jeweler, was a member of the Communist Party from 1905 to 1922 (he dropped out mechanically), and mother, Yagoda Khasya (Lassa) Gavrilovna (1863-1940) , native of Simbirsk, housewife. On June 20, 1937, at a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR, they were exiled to Astrakhan for five years. On May 8, 1938, both “for counter-revolutionary activities” were sentenced to eight years in forced labor camps. My father died in a camp in Vorkuta and was rehabilitated in July 1960. Mother died in January 1940 in Sevvostlag (Nagaevo Bay), rehabilitated in July 1960.
Along with her parents, Genrikh Yagoda’s sister Shokhor-Yagoda Rozalia Grigorievna (1863-1950), a medical worker, was also exiled to Astrakhan. On May 8, 1937, she was also sentenced to eight years in labor camp. In 1948, as a socially dangerous element, she was exiled to Kolyma for five years. She died in 1950. Rehabilitated. Frindlyand-Yagoda’s younger sister Frida Grigorievna (1899-?), a clerical worker, was imprisoned in a correctional labor camp for eight years on August 28, 1937, “as a member of the family of a traitor to the Motherland.” In 1949, “for anti-Soviet agitation” she was imprisoned for 10 years in a forced labor camp. In 1957 she was rehabilitated.
E. D. Stasova:
“I did not give money to the Trotskyists”
In 1938, the revolutionary, former secretary of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) E. D. Stasova no longer held leadership positions in the Ministry of Labor and Social Development. When she was relieved of her post, serious problems arose, the nature of which she reported to I.V. Stalin in a letter dated May 17.
"1938. 17/V
Dear comrade. Stalin,
You promised to call me regarding the possibility of receiving me. Time, obviously, did not allow you to do this, and my situation is becoming downright unbearable, and I decide to once again take up your time with my letter.
Commission vol. Shkiryatov, Malenkov and Rubinstein, upon my handing over and upon Comrade Bogdanov’s acceptance of the affairs of the Central Committee of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, essentially accused me not of mistakes, but of crimes against the party and Soviet power. When I present material that exonerates me, it is not taken into account.
So, for example, I have been charged with a serious charge that I gave money to the Trotskyists. I presented a certificate from Comrade Litvinov, proving where and to whom this money went, and Comrade Shkiryatov also tried to discredit this material.
This attitude of the commission literally destroys me both morally and physically.
This makes me ask you to pay attention to my matter, although I know how overloaded you are. Still, I hope that in a personal meeting I will be able to untangle this whole knot that has tightened around me.
Elena Stasova."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 805. L. 12. Autograph.
M. F. Shkiryatov (1883-1954) in 1938 was the secretary of the party board of the CPC under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, G. M. Malenkov (1901-1988) headed the department of the leading party bodies of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, M. M. Rubinstein was a member of the CPC under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, P. A. Bogdanov (1882-1939) was the first deputy people's commissar of local industry of the RSFSR, M. M. Litvinov (Ballah) (1876-1951) headed the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR.
E. M. Yaroslavsky:
"Trotsky was recruited by the German headquarters"
"September 25, 1938
S. secret
Comrade Stalin,
Lately, I have increasingly come to the conclusion that Trotsky is a long-time provocateur. Reading Vatsetis' testimony convinces me of this even more. This is a truly stunning document, even after all the vile things that have become known to us about Trotsky and his gang. Trotsky - I am convinced of this - was recruited by the German headquarters during the imperialist war, before 1917. His friend Parvus acted openly during the war as an agent of the Kaiser. And it was beneficial for Trotsky to cover up his service to the German headquarters with a centrist position: also a kind of “we are not waging war and we are not signing peace.”
Is it possible to lead the investigation towards clarifying the relationship between Trotsky and the tsarist secret police? If Trotsky could commit such a monstrous betrayal in relation to Lenin, Stalin, and the Republic of Soviets, then why not admit that the position during the formation and activity of the August bloc was not previously dictated by the Trotskyist “slogan”: “Everyone makes a revolution for himself” ?
Vatsetis's testimony is a damning verdict on Trotsky.
I introduced them to Comrade. Shkiryatov, - he also considers these testimonies the most damning.
With communist greetings, Em. Yaroslavsky."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 804. L. 192-193. Autograph.
E. M. Yaroslavsky (M. I. Gubelman) (1878-1943) in 1938 served as chairman of the All-Union Society of Old Bolsheviks, was a member of the CPC under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Commander of the 2nd rank I. I. Vatsetis (1873-1938) taught at the Military Academy named after. M. V. Frunze. Parvus (Gelfand) A. L. (1869-1924), German social democrat, native of Russia, author of the theory of “permanent revolution”, developed and substantiated in the works of L. D. Trotsky.
E. D. Stasova:
“Is such forgetfulness acceptable?”
“Dear comrade Stalin.
Now, on the 32nd anniversary of the October Revolution, the days of 1917 and the people who actively worked with you and under your leadership are somehow especially perceived. This is how Nikolai Ilyich Podvoisky comes to mind. And somehow it becomes painful that he left us in the summer of 1948, and the broad masses of the party do not know about it.
February 27 marked 10 years since the death of N.K. Krupskaya, in May 1949 - 15 years since the death of V.R. Menzhinsky. And again our press is silent.
It turns out that those who should be in charge of this forget about the people who devoted all their strength to the struggle for socialism, that is, they do not remind of the legacy that deserves to be set as an example for the younger generation building communism under your leadership.
And I would like to ask you, is such forgetfulness acceptable?
Your Elena Stasova
1949.8.XI".
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 305. L. 20. Autograph.
N. I. Podvoisky (1880-1948) - one of the leaders of the storming of the Winter Palace in October 1917. R. F. Menzhinsky (1874-1934) - since 1926, chairman of the OGPU.
2. “Holy of Holies” of Stalin’s archive
On March 3, 2015, at a press conference of three heads of the Federal Archive Agency (Rosarkhiv), a resonant statement was made that the personal archive Stalin, stored in the federal government institution “Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History” (FKU RGASPI), is 95 (ninety-five)% open.
The bosses are the Chairman of the Russian Archive, Doctor of Historical Sciences Andrey Artizov, his deputy Ph.D. Oleg Naumov and director of RGASPI, candidate of historical sciences, laureate of the State Prize of the Russian Federation in the field of science and technology Andrey Sorokin(already mentioned in monitoring).
In 1998-1999, Stalin’s personal archive entered the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI) from the Archive of the President of the Russian Federation and, theoretically, was initially ready for immediate general use. At the same time, microfiches of documents were transferred, and then additional microfilms of the insurance fund were made.
Why is Stalin’s personal archive (RGASPI, fund No. 558, inventory No. 11, archive item No. 1-1703) so important for assessing the state of archival openness and for measuring the effectiveness of the anti-falsification potential of Russian historical science and countering other “ideological sabotage” in “damage to Russia’s interests” in the current difficult geopolitical situation?
Because during the Great Patriotic War, Marshal I.V. Stalin was at the same time, “single and indivisible” the supreme commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the USSR, the chairman of the State Defense Committee (the highest emergency state body that had full power on the territory of the USSR) and the People's Commissar (until 1947, minister) of defense. In addition, he was the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (prime minister of the government) and the chairman of its bureau, the de facto general secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - the ruling and only party, and at the same time a member of its Politburo, Secretariat and Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. Finally, he was listed as a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (the collective president in peacetime) and the Executive Committee of the Comintern - this world communist party (before the dissolution of the CI in May 1943).
It is clear that if problems are discovered with access to the archive of this chief staff officer of the Victory in general and to perhaps the most important segment of the Great Patriotic War period in particular, then this can be extrapolated to other collections in other archives. Both emergency bodies for governing the country in wartime, and funds of prominent Soviet leaders (about the foreign policy section of the archive Zhdanova stated above). The openness of Stalin's personal archive will become a diagnosis for the state of affairs in the entire industry.
By December 29, 1978, 1,705 cases were included in inventory No. 11 of fund No. 558. Plus two letters. (In the archives of the General Department of the CPSU Central Committee he had a different code: fund 45, op. 1). Total 170745. According to the act dated March 9, 1999, six cases were returned to the Office of the President of the Russian Federation for State Awards. In total, 14 storage units were “gone.” We take the remaining number 1693 as 100%.
We count the gaps in the numbers of who knows what censor sealed, and therefore classified, cases. In some places it's entire pages. The very names of what is classified are classified. Let's summarize. The reading room of the RGASPI does not issue 224 articles of names of Stalinist archival goods.
Is this amount the 5% declared by Chairman Rosarikhva with the tacit approval of his two colleagues? Not at all. This is 13.23%. And if you subtract from the total amount of available archival rubbish (scattering), reprints, copies, newspaper clippings, thirteen volumes of Stalin’s Works and materials for them, published in millions of copies, preparatory materials for the “Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)”, brochures, books from his libraries (often having a very indirect relation to Stalin personally), certificates about the health and death of the leader (classified) and family (also “personal secret”), then the real scale of the 13% figure grows noticeably.
What is closed on the topic “The Great Patriotic War”? In RGASPI and Rosarkhive, as before, we have not found and will not find an answer to our experience of communicating with officials from these structures. I had to use a personal library card, which the author uses by right of being an employee of the Center for Russian and Eastern European Studies at the University of Toronto (Canada) for 10 years. In the fundamental library of this university, a complete inventory No. 11 from the Stalin fund No. 558 of the federal archive of the RGASPI is stored in the public domain. This is part of the inheritance acquired by the said university in Russia and brought to Canada as part of the “Archives of the Stalin Period” project, funded by the Canadian government (see above about the project “The Tragedy of the Soviet (Russian) Village”). The catalog of Stalin's personal collection was assigned a code according to the classification of the US Library of Congress (DK268 S8 B55.1978). In this Canadian inventory, the pages taped up in Moscow are clearly printed.
As a result of a page-by-page continuous comparison of two copies of one inventory (from the reading room of the RGASPI and from the collection of the University of Toronto library), the following was established.
In Stalin's personal fund, cipher telegrams of the General Staff of the Red and Soviet Army, Air Force, Navy, People's Commissariats of the Aviation Industry, Armaments, Heavy Engineering, and Air Defense Forces Headquarters are classified (RGASPI. F. 558. Op. 11. Item 448-453). All encryption of the Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff is hidden from historians (ibid., archive item Nos. 454-455). All this with Stalin's autographs. Copies of the People's Commissar's military orders are not available, and most importantly, the materials for them with Stalin's corrections (Nos. 462-464 and 466-477).
Hidden from military documents from the eve of World War II on September 1, 1939 until the beginning of the Great Patriotic War on June 22, 1941 were comments and corrections by the leader of the theses of the report of the People's Commissar of Defense Marshal Semyon Timoshenko at the final meeting of the Military Conference, reports on military equipment and the economy of foreign states, information on the tasks of the German delegation at economic negotiations with the USSR (No. 437)
Notes, information, messages, telegrams from Stalin and the People's Commissariat of Defense headed by him about the technology and tactics of using toxic substances in the German army, the preparation of the Germans for the operation in the Smolensk-Vyazma direction, the experience of the first three months of the war, the nature of close combat, actions are hidden from historians in Russia aviation, shortcomings in the work of Moscow air defense, the creation of defense committees in Sochi, Gagra, Sukhumi and Zugdidi, the raid of united partisan detachments under the command of Sidora Kovpaka And Alexandra Saburova. Historians cannot even access Stalin’s editing of the text of the ultimatum to the commander of the 6th German Army, the author of the Barbarossa plan, field marshal Friedrich Paulus and the entire composition of the encircled German troops at Stalingrad. (cases No. 440-441).
Some documents on the Battle of Stalingrad that were inaccessible to historians during the anniversary days surfaced in the publication published by the ROSSPEN publishing house and under the “general editorship” of the director of RGASPI Sorokin and the dean-organizer of the Faculty of Political Science of Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov Andrey Shutov album “Fatherland in the Great War of 1941-1945. Images and texts." Here, for the first time, color images with codes of some Stalingrad documents are published, the existence of which is known from the Canadian corpus (cit. pp. 72-73, 75).
The fact of legalization of two or three main documents of the Battle of Stalingrad 72 years after its end, 24 years after the historical decrees of the President Yeltsin and 15 years after the transfer of the Stalin Fund to open access indicates the following: the documents are declassified, they are artificially hidden from historians and the public, their publication before scientific processing and examination was done selectively, hastily and without context, which gives rise to different interpretations. The limited circulation of the album (1 thousand copies) and its elite selling price (2 thousand 530 rubles) makes it inaccessible to the mass of historians and, above all, Russian students (for example, the amount of the basic state academic scholarship at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University as of May 15, 2015 is 2 thousand 400 rubles per month). At the same time, mention of the existence of these documents and the very name of the archival file continues to be absent on the official website of the Russian Archive, “Documents of the Soviet Era,” which is free and accessible only in Russia and Belarus.
After the publication of the article in the Ogonyok magazine, the Stalingrad memorandum was also presented at the exhibition “At the Victory Headquarters 1941-1945” organized by the Moscow Department of Culture, the Federal Archive Agency and RGASPI in the Moscow Small Manege. The organizer of the exhibition (Rosarkhiv), as well as the author of the idea and concept of the project, State Prize winner Andrei Sorokin, did not ensure that, unlike the glossy album published by the archive and publishing house, the document codes were indicated at the exhibition. The document code was not affixed to any exhibit at this exhibition.
Let us add that Stalin constantly worked with translations of enemy military documents. For example, with the papers of the 99th Mountain Rifle Regiment of the 1st Mountain Rifle Division of the Wehrmacht. This too is classified.
Is it possible, without these basic primary sources, the actual “main documents” of the war, to qualitatively carry out the order of the President of the Russian Federation No. 806-rp of May 8, 2008 on the publication of the “fundamental multi-volume work” “History of the Great Patriotic War” in 10 volumes? How it was carried out under the former Minister of Defense, Doctor of Economic Sciences Anatoly Serdyukov we can now imagine. According to Soviet tradition, Anatoly Eduardovich was ex officio chairman of the “main editorial commission” of this “fundamental” undertaking. However, the next eight volumes were published under the leadership of the Army General Sergei Shoigu. No significant methodological and conceptual difference was found between the two stages of this project under two such different ministers.
A selective check of the specific practical use of archival primary sources from Stalin’s personal collections in the last three volumes of this fundamental multi-volume work (out of the 10 volumes provided for by the decree, it grew to 12), which were published on the eve of the anniversary, revealed the following facts. Let us note the democratic character of universal access to this publication. All of its twelve volumes are available free of charge and with the highest quality resolution on the official website of the Russian Ministry of Defense.
At the same time, in the tenth volume “State, Society and War” there is not a single reference to the following funds from the RGASPI: F. 558 (Stalin fund), F. 82 (fund Molotov), F. 77 (Zhdanov Foundation). From the collections of the RF GA there is only one reference to F. R-5446 (Council of People's Commissars of the USSR).
The abstract of the eleventh volume, which is entitled “Policy and strategy of victory: strategic leadership of the country and the armed forces of the USSR during the war” declares: “In the eleventh volume, based on an analysis of archival sources (documents and materials of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR, State Defense Committee, Supreme Command Headquarters, General Staff of the Red Army, etc.), the mechanism for the creation and functioning of the system of emergency bodies for strategic leadership and management of the country and the Armed Forces of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War is revealed, as well as the process of their organizational and structural development and bringing it into line with the requirements of armed struggle. For a wide range of readers interested in the history of the Fatherland."
However, in the eleventh volume the picture is approximately the same as in the tenth. When analyzing “strategic leadership” there is not a single reference, note or footnote to the personal funds of the main strategists and leaders: Stalin, Molotov, Zhdanov. According to the Council of People's Commissars there is one link, but there is no reference at all to the Council for Evacuation under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (GA RF. F. R-6882). Analysis of documents of the highest authorities without the involvement of the “human factor” of the leaders of these institutions and the personal funds of these figures, and above all Stalin, who personified the Politburo, the Council of People's Commissars, the State Defense Committee, Headquarters, and the Red Army, represents an endemic and unresolved relapse of the Soviet school historiography, when history was written without characters.
Thus, the artificially created archival famine naturally transforms into defective historiographical practice, including in fundamental publications created by presidential decrees and the labor of numerous colleagues from research teams and with multimillion-dollar budget subsidies. Let us note that a selective check of government orders for only four minor expenditure items of the latest volumes of the publishing project of a fundamental multi-volume book showed that 18 million 708 thousand 600 rubles were allocated from the state budget for them. But before this military-historical project had finished, the following, more local one, was announced: "Auction in<электронной форме на выполнение работ по разработке и изданию сборника архивных материалов, посвящённых развитию информационно-пропагандистскому противоборству в годы Великой Отечественной…» (as in the text. - L.M). The contract price is 12 million 100 thousand rubles.
Let's return to the secret folders from inventory No. 11, fund No. 558 in RGASPI.
Case No. 493 has been closed. This is correspondence on military issues between Stalin and the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine, a member of the Military Councils of a number of fronts Nikita Khrushchev. It contains reflections on the situation on the Voronezh, Stalingrad and Southern fronts. We will not learn about the leader’s reaction to the suicide of a member of the military council of the Second Guards Army, Major General Illarion Ivanovich Larin, about the plan to defeat the enemy troops surrounded at Stalingrad. There are materials here about Rodion Malinovsky and his appointment as commander of the Southern Front, the promotion of the group Pavel Rotmistrov, about the situation with the supply of ammunition and about the progress of the operation to capture Novocherkassk and Rostov-on-Don. Last dates of the archival file: from October 29, 1942 to October 9, 1943. 70 archive pages.
The situation with access to Stalin's correspondence with the first red officer and the first marshal, People's Commissar of Defense is completely unsatisfactory. Kliment Voroshilov(cases No. 714--715). The exchange of messages with Khrushchev lasted 12 months, and with Voroshilov thirty-two years, from January 9, 1920 to November 6, 1952. Is it possible to study the military-political history of the Soviet Union in general and the preparation and initial period of the war in particular without this collection of documents?
In the current difficult geopolitical situation, Stalin’s thoughts on the Soviet-Polish war from the book “Kyiv Cannes 1920” by the corps commander could be relevant. Ivan Kutyakova(1897-1938). At the same time, Stalin’s correspondence with Kutyakov himself, who was executed in 1938, and who once accepted Chapaeva command of the famous 25th Infantry Division (Chapaevskaya) (case No. 108).
How interesting it would be to “introduce into scientific circulation” the complete collection of cipher telegrams between Stalin and Lev Mehlis- Stalin’s favorite, and a kind of antipode to the famous Soviet military leaders. Before the war, he was the editor of Pravda, head of the press department of the Central Committee, and head of the Main Directorate of the Red Army. With the beginning of the war, this People's Commissar of State Control again became the Deputy People's Commissar of Defense and the head of the Glavpur. Since June 14, 1942, he has been a member of the Council of Military-Political Propaganda. As a representative of the Supreme Command Headquarters, he went down in history as the “architect” of the Kerch disaster in 1942. Alas, files No. 500-503 with a total of 574 sheets are also classified.
This is the archival-historical basis of modern fundamental “political biographies” of the “Master” and “Generalissimo” and the well-funded activities of various centers on the history, sociology and anthropology of the Second World War, its causes and consequences. Without the listed documents, can we say that today we have academic research on the “history of Stalinism”, which will be in demand during the next authorized release of a mass of archival primary sources? Will the works created in 1991-2015 survive the new inevitable “ninth wave” of archival openness? Will it be necessary to again send to the waste paper the book products available in libraries and tons of books lying unsold and unsold in warehouses?
How many “sensational” collections of documents could be introduced into “scientific circulation” only based on the listed archival storage units? Dozens. Instead, society has been fed for decades with cloned Stalins from film epics, television series, sensational documentary investigations and bricks of multi-volume novels: “Come out and think carefully, Comrade Rokossovsky,” “Stalin stood up,” “Stalin lay down,” “Stalin thought,” “Stalin remembered.” The days of the past anniversary were no exception.
This is the case with some personal collections. In addition, archives of state-forming institutions, people's commissariats, departments, services, and entire areas in the study of the Russian state, the history of its armed forces and the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people have been closed. And not only in the Stalinist archive, but in general. As the Bolsheviks said: “entirely and completely.”
In preparation for the anniversary celebrations, the Chairman of the Russian Archive, Andrei Artizov, reported that classified documents “include documents related to intelligence, ensuring the security of the country, and issues related to the production of weapons. There are also international activities, certain decisions that were made by representatives of states of the world, and by mutual agreements were closed for a long time.”
The words “there is and” do not accurately convey the state of affairs in the Stalinist fund of the RGASPI subordinate to the Rosarkhiv and in other archives. Almost everything on the subject of the People's Commissariat for Military and Naval Affairs and the Revolutionary Military Council, the People's Commissariat of Defense and the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the USSR, on the General Staff and the GRU, all proposals of the military commissions of 1940 are closed. The directives and orders of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command and the State Defense Committee have been closed (cases No. 478-481 on 594 pages).
Stalin was informed about the creation of a military base against Japan in the Far East and about an amnesty for White Guards living abroad. He examined the “unified method of warfare” (what kind of method is this?), the state of aviation, the creation of “operational chemical compounds” (interesting), “the formation of a chemical corps” (also interesting), plans to publish the magazine “Modern Warfare” (in the catalog The RSL does not list such a periodical). Already on the eve of the war, Stalin directed the placement of military orders in the United States. He kept a pulse on Soviet-German relations.
All wartime messages from Stalin addressed to local party and Soviet bodies, front commanders, people's commissariats and factories, partisans, and individual workers who collected money and valuables for the construction of tanks and airplanes were sealed. It is not clear why, because these answers were published for a long time and tediously on the pages of the Pravda newspaper.
Leonid MAKSIMENKOV
The ending follows
The illustrations use a few of the many hundreds of documents from the Stalin Fund No. 558, inventory 11. They were declassified by the MVK at the end of the last century. However, for almost two decades they have been hiding by archival chiefs and “publishers” from ROSARCHIV in general and from RGASPI in particular.
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