Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov
Years of life: June 2 (15), 1914 - February 9, 1984
Years of government: 1982-1984
Soviet statesman and politician, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1982-1984), Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1983-1984), Chairman of the KGB of the USSR (1967-1982).
Biography of Andropov Yuri Vladimirovich
Yuri's father, Vladimir Konstantinovich Andropov, was a railway engineer, had a higher education, graduated from the Kharkov Institute of Railway Transport. He died of typhus in 1919. Andropov's mother, music teacher Evgenia Karlovna Flekenshtein, daughter of natives of Finland - a watch and jewelry dealer Karl Frantsevich Flekenshtein and Evdokia Mikhailovna Flekenshtein.
After graduating from the seven-year plan, Yuri Andropov worked at the Mozdok station as an assistant projectionist at the railway club, a telegraph worker. Since 1931, he worked as a sailor in the river fleet on ships at the Volga Shipping Company.
In 1934 - 1936. studied at the Rybinsk technical school of water transport, and after graduation he worked at the Rybinsk shipyard. In 1935 he married Nina Ivanovna Engalycheva.
In 1936 Yu.V. Andropov graduated from the technical school of water transport in the city of 
Rybinsk, Yaroslavl region. He was elected secretary of the Komsomol organization of the technical school. Then Yuri Vladimirovich was nominated for the post of Komsomol organizer of the Rybinsk Shipyard named after. Volodarsky. Appointed as the head of the department of the city committee of the Komsomol in Rybinsk, then the head of the department of the regional committee of the Komsomol of the Yaroslavl region. Already in 1937 he was elected secretary of the Yaroslavl regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1938 he was elected first secretary of the Yaroslavl regional committee of the Komsomol.
In 1939 Andropov joined the CPSU(b). In 1938-1940. he headed the regional Komsomol organization in Yaroslavl, and after that he was appointed head of the Komsomol in the newly formed Karelian-Finnish SSR (1940).
In 1940 he divorced his first wife. He married Tatyana Filippovna Lebedeva.
During the Great Patriotic War, Yuri Vladimirovich carried out work on the organization of partisan detachments, underground district committees and groups. In 1944 he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner.
On September 3, 1944, he was approved as the 2nd secretary of the Petrozavodsk City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, on January 10, 1947 - the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Karelia. He graduated from the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and in 1946-1951. studied in absentia at the Faculty of History and Philology of the Karelian-Finnish State University.
In 1951, Andropov was transferred to the apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU, in 1953 - to the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 1954 to 1957 he was Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to the Hungarian People's Republic. In 1956, Yuri Andropov pushed for the entry of Soviet troops into Hungary and played an active role in suppressing the uprising against the communist regime in Hungary.
Andropov - leadership of the KGB
In 1957, Yuri Vladimirovich was nominated for the post of head of a department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. From 1962 to 1967 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR. Since May 1967 - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR.
In August 1968, he influenced the decision to send Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia. At the end of 1979, Andropov supported the proposal for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and in 1980 he insisted on a military action in Poland.
In 1974, Andropov became a Hero of Socialist Labor, and in 1976 he was awarded the title of "general of the army."
In 1979, after the Munich events, Yuri Vladimirovich took the initiative to create an anti-terrorism unit, which later became known as Alpha.
In May 1982, Andropov was again elected Secretary of the Central Committee (from May 24 to November 12, 1982) and left the leadership of the KGB. Even then, many perceived this as the appointment of a successor
In November 1982, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
Over the 15 years of his leadership, the state security agencies have significantly expanded their control over all spheres of the life of the state and society. Under Yuri Andropov, there were trials of human rights activists, various methods of suppressing dissent were used, and various forms of extrajudicial persecution (compulsory treatment in psychiatric hospitals) were often practiced. Dissidents were expelled and deprived of citizenship (writer A. I. Solzhenitsyn, academician A. D. Sakharov).
Yuri Andropov was a supporter of the most decisive measures in relation to those countries of the socialist camp that sought to pursue an independent policy.
Under him, covert operations were carried out to transfer large amounts of currency to foreign communist parties and public associations that supported the USSR.
Years of Andropov's reign
In the first months of his reign, Andropov proclaimed a course aimed at social and economic transformation. But all the changes came down to administrative measures, strengthening labor discipline, exposing corruption in the inner circle of the ruling elite. During his reign, in some cities of the USSR, law enforcement agencies began to apply very tough measures (round-ups were organized to identify truants among workers and schoolchildren). At the beginning of 1983, the prices of many goods were increased, but the price of vodka was reduced.
Under Andropov, mass production of licensed records of popular Western performers of genres (rock, disco, synth-pop), previously banned, began in order to stop speculation with records and magnetic recordings.
The political and economic system under Andropov remained unshakable. In foreign policy, the confrontation with the West intensified.
At the same time, Yuri Andropov sought to strengthen his personal power. Since June 1983, he has combined the post of general secretary of the party with the post of head of state - chairman of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. But he remained in the highest post for a little over 1 year.
Death of Yuri Andropov
Andropov died 15 months after coming to power, without having had time to accomplish anything. Already in February 1983 there was a sharp deterioration in health. The development of renal failure led to complete kidney failure due to years of gout. From now on, he could not live without the "artificial kidney" apparatus. Andropov died on February 9, 1984.
buried Andropov on Red Square in Moscow near the Kremlin wall. Margaret Thatcher and Bush Sr. flew to the funeral ceremony of farewell to Yuri Andropov.
Many human rights activists are inclined to unequivocally negatively evaluate the figure of the Soviet leader Yuri Andropov for the destruction of dissidents by him.
However, it is known that the same person actively supported the theaters of Lyubimov and Efremov, supported the publication in the "New World" of Solzhenitsyn's sensational story "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich." It was Andropov who found the opportunity to help or soften the blow of the power of the party apparatus in relation to such figures as Yevgeny Yevtushenko, Mikhail Bakhtin, Vladimir Vysotsky and many others.
Andropov's contemporaries testify that he was an intellectual, creative person, not without self-irony. Unlike Brezhnev, he was indifferent to flattery and luxury, did not tolerate bribery and embezzlement. In Petrozavodsk, under the pseudonym Yuri Vladimirov, he published his poetry collection. Those who knew Yuri Andropov well called him "a romantic from the Lubyanka."
Yuri Vladimirovich was married twice:
The first wife since 1935, Nina Ivanovna Engalycheva (b. 1915, daughter of the manager of the State Bank branch), children Evgeny and Vladimir (Andropov preferred to hide the pages of the life of this period, most likely due to the fact that his son was convicted twice).
The second wife is Tatyana Filippovna Lebedeva, in the 2nd marriage, Andropov has 2 children - Igor and Irina. Son Igor in 1984-1986 was the USSR Ambassador to Greece, then the USSR Ambassador-at-Large, was married to actress Lyudmila Chursina. Irina Yurievna Andropova was married to Mikhail Filippov, an actor at the Mayakovsky Theater.
The city, streets, avenues are named after Andropov.
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Before his 70th birthday, he did not live a little more than 4 months, but many former members of the Central Committee of the CPSU remembered him as the "iron general secretary" (by analogy with the "iron lady" M. Thatcher and the "iron chancellor" Otto von Bismarck). From the mid-60s, and to be precise - from the moment of the resignation of Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, he took over as chief of the Lubyanka - the building where the headquarters of the KGB of the USSR was located. Last year marked 30 years since his death (02/09/1984) and 100 years (06/15/1914) since his birth. After the death of L.I. Brezhnev, many associated with his name the hope that the country will survive to this day. Under him, the current head of our state, V.V., began his career. Putin, however, he spent only 15 months at the post of the main helmsman of the country. Nevertheless, for 15 years he headed the quarters of Lubyanka. Who was Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov and what mark he left in history - about this right now.
THE BEGINNING OF A POLITICAL CAREER
Little is known about the childhood and youth of Yuri Andropov and his parents. He was born on June 15, 1914 in the family of a railway employee in the Cossack village of Nagutskaya, in what is now the Stavropol Territory. The future secretary general lost his parents early. His father died in 1919. The mother remarried, but did not long outlive her first husband. We know that she was a teacher and after her death in 1923, Yuri lived and was brought up in the family of his stepfather. He studied at a seven-year school in the small town of Mozdok. A railway passed through the village of Nagutskaya, and it was not difficult for Yuri to come home from Mozdok. However, the boy less and less appeared in his home, where there was no longer a father or mother.
Yuri's father, Vladimir Konstantinovich Andropov, was a railway engineer, had a higher education, graduated from the Kharkov Institute of Railway Transport. He died of typhus in 1919. Andropov's mother, music teacher Evgenia Karlovna Flekenshtein, daughter of natives of Finland - a watch and jewelry dealer Karl Frantsevich Flekenshtein and Evdokia Mikhailovna Flekenshtein.
In the Komsomol Andropov - far right
Yuri Andropov's independent life began at the age of 14; At first he worked as a loader, then as a projectionist and telegraph operator. At the age of 18, he sailed as a sailor on the Volga and learned a lot. Later, he often repeated the words and advice of his boatswain: “Life, Yura, is a wet deck. And in order not to slip on it, move slowly. And be sure to choose where to put your foot each time!”
In 1933, Yuri Andropov entered the technical school of water transport in Rybinsk - in 1984 this small town in the Yaroslavl region was renamed Andropov, but later returned its former name. Upon completion of his studies, Yuri began working, but not as a ship technician, but as a released secretary of the Komsomol organization of the Rybinsk Shipyard - he joined the Komsomol back in Mozdok. 
In 1936 Yu.V. Andropov graduated from the technical school of water transport in the city of Rybinsk, Yaroslavl region. He was elected secretary of the Komsomol organization of the technical school. Then Yuri Vladimirovich was nominated for the post of Komsomol organizer of the Rybinsk Shipyard named after. Volodarsky. Appointed as the head of the department of the city committee of the Komsomol in Rybinsk, then the head of the department of the regional committee of the Komsomol of the Yaroslavl region. Already in 1937 he was elected secretary of the Yaroslavl regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1938 he was elected first secretary of the Yaroslavl regional committee of the Komsomol.
The terrible terror of 1937-1938 cleared a fast path to the top for him. Already in 1938, we see the 24-year-old Andropov, then still a candidate for party membership, as first secretary of the Yaroslavl regional committee of the Komsomol. He was a tall, handsome and eloquent Komsomol leader, able to attract the attention of young Yaroslavl residents. The young Ekaterina Sheveleva, a future writer, who sometimes met with Yuri Vladimirovich at the Lubyanka, dedicated one of her poems to him in 1939: “... Having thrown a fair-haired whirlwind from her forehead, my age stands, my fate, my fate at the Komsomol Congress.” Andropov also wrote poetry all his life, but never published it.
Back in Rybinsk, Andropov married his classmate at the technical school, Nina Ivanovna Engalycheva. For almost five years, the young spouses lived in peace and harmony. They had a daughter and a son, whom Yuri Andropov named after their parents - Evgenia and Vladimir.
The marriage, however, broke up. Andropov was appointed to the Central Committee of the LKCM of Karelia and had to leave Yaroslavl. Nina Ivanovna did not follow him. She studied at the institute and prepared for the work of an investigator.
FIRST CHILDREN
The life of the first son of Yu. V. Andropov, Vladimir, did not work out. He studied at the Nakhimov and Suvorov schools, at vocational schools, often changed professions and places of residence, very rarely meeting or exchanging letters with his father. When Andropov assumed the post of Chairman of the KGB in 1967, his first son worked as a service mechanic at the Tiraspol garment factory in Moldova. The son did not turn to his father for help, and Yuri Andropov did not consider it possible to interfere in the life of his son and his family. Their relationship is best evidenced by a letter written in August 1967. “In Moscow,” the KGB chairman wrote to his son, “I was ashamed to ask you if you were ready for the exams for entering the institute, but this is not the last question. I think that you have enough knowledge for the exams in the technical school. I learned that there is an electrical technical school in Chisinau. It is accepted after the 8th grade. Of course, you could easily get a certificate of completion of the 8th grade in Yaroslavl ... I am very sorry that I could not help you, but you must understand that if I write like this, then nothing can be done differently.
The first son of Andropov had breakdowns, there were even criminal records, but with a deferred sentence. He was often sick and died in 1975 in Moldova.
The life of Andropov's daughter Evgenia was more successful. She graduated from medical school and worked as a doctor in Yaroslavl. Only in the early 1970s, Yuri Vladimirovich invited his adult daughter to stay with him in Moscow. She lived in Andropov's residence near Moscow, visited his office on Lubyanka, talked about her sons Andrei and Peter, the grandsons of the Secretary General. Both of these young people dreamed of entering the Higher School of State Security and following in the footsteps of their grandfather. Andropov, however, told his daughter that he had achieved everything in his life himself and therefore would not suit the fate of his grandchildren.
In 1939 Andropov joined the CPSU(b). In 1938-1940. he headed the regional Komsomol organization in Yaroslavl, and after that he was appointed head of the Komsomol in the newly formed Karelian-Finnish SSR (1940).
In 1940 he divorced his first wife. He married Tatyana Filippovna Lebedeva.
WAR
Yuri Andropov began working in Karelia in 1940. Here he received an important assignment - to head all the Komsomol organizations in the newly formed union republic - the Karelian-Finnish SSR. Even earlier, and also on Komsomol affairs, Tatyana Filippovna, Andropov's second wife, arrived in Petrozavodsk. Two children were also born in the new family - son Igor, who later became a diplomat, and daughter Irina, who worked in the 1960s-1980s in the field of journalism.
With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, Andropov actively participated in the organization of the partisan movement in Karelia, a significant part of which, including Petrozavodsk, was occupied by German and Finnish troops. In some memoirs, one can find a mention that it was during the war years in the cold and swampy Karelian region that Andropov acquired the kidney disease that made his life so difficult. In 1944 he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. 
As the head of the underground movement in the Karelian-Finnish SSR. WWII period
On September 3, 1944, he was approved as the 2nd secretary of the Petrozavodsk City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, on January 10, 1947 - the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Karelia. He graduated from the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and in 1946-1951. studied in absentia at the Faculty of History and Philology of the Karelian-Finnish State University.
PARTY LIFE
In 1947, 33-year-old Andropov was elected to the post of second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of the Karelian-Finnish SSR. The Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Republic at that time was Otto Wilhelmovich Kuusinen, in the past one of the founders of the Communist Party of Finland and Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. Communication with Otto Kuusinen was extremely important for Andropov, having a great influence on him.
Severe trials awaited the Karelian party organization in 1950. Organized by Lavrenty Beria and Georgy Malenkov, the "Leningrad case" was accompanied not only by mass repressions in Leningrad, but waves of terror also spread throughout all regions of the North-West. In early January 1950, a commission from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks headed by G. V. Kuznetsov arrived in Petrozavodsk. A group of Moscow Chekists also arrived in Karelia. Since 1938, Gennady Nikolaevich Kupriyanov was the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Karelia, he was sent to Petrozavodsk from Leningrad on the recommendation of A. A. Zhdanov. During the Patriotic War, Kupriyanov was Andropov's direct superior at the partisan headquarters, as well as a member of the Military Council of the Karelian Front. At the end of the war, Brigadier Commissar Kupriyanov was promoted to the rank of major general. Andropov treated Kupriyanov with great respect, they had no conflicts. Everything changed in a few days.
Almost all repressions in the "Leningrad case" were carried out according to the general scenario. At first, accusations were made of various kinds of economic violations, petty abuses, or even personal indiscretion. The accused was removed from work and expelled from the party. An exclusion zone arose around him. Only after 2-3 months did the arrest follow with the presentation of political charges. Things went according to this scheme in Karelia. It was not difficult to find various shortcomings in economic activity here: in 1947-1949 the republic failed to fulfill the plan for timber harvesting. The commission brought charges against Kupriyanov of economic abuse and self-interest. The accusations against the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Karelia were not so serious, and Andropov was supposed to preside over the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of the Karelian-Finnish SSR, held on January 24-25, 1950 on the “Kupryanov case”. Andropov didn't have much choice. He could defend Kupriyanov and very soon share his fate. Or keep silent, find excuses, refer to ignorance of the matter. Punishment in this case would be inevitable.
Andropov chose the third path. He made a humiliating self-criticism and supported all the accusations against Kupriyanov. The recent general was removed from the post of first secretary and removed from the bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Karelia. Two months later he was arrested and soon sentenced under Article 58 of the Criminal Code to 25 years in prison.
It was impossible to occupy a high post in a totalitarian system and not betray from time to time your friends, associates or simply innocent people. Here everyone made his own choice, and everyone himself sought excuses for his sins.
Kupriyanov did not die in the camps. He was released in 1956, was fully rehabilitated and worked until the end of his life as the director of palaces, museums and parks in the city of Pushkin, Leningrad Region. Nikita Khrushchev helped him.
Soon, Yu. Andropov was transferred to Moscow and began working as an inspector of the Central Committee. A year later, he headed one of the subdivisions here. As can be judged from Andropov's article in Pravda, he controlled the Northwest region. Andropov wrote in the newspaper about the problems of sawmilling and pulp and paper production. But he did not work long in the apparatus of the Central Committee. Now it is already difficult to clarify all the circumstances and reasons why Andropov was transferred in 1953 to work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
AMBASSADOR TO HUNGARY
In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Yu. V. Andropov headed the 4th European Department, whose competence included relations with Poland and Czechoslovakia. However, a few months later he was sent to the USSR Embassy in Hungary for the modest position of an advisor-envoy. In the absence of the ambassador, such adviser shall replace him as chargé d'affaires. According to one version, the removal of Andropov from Moscow was due to a small conflict between him and the then all-powerful Georgy Malenkov. However, in the fall of 1954, Malenkov's influence waned sharply, while Molotov's influence briefly increased. Meanwhile, Andropov's energetic work at the embassy was noticed.
As early as June 1953, Matthias Rakoshi, while remaining party leader, gave way to the post of prime minister to Imre Nagy, who was considered a liberal and moderately reformist politician. Imre Nagy's deputy was 30-year-old member of the VPT Politburo Andras Hegedus. He was responsible, in particular, for all issues related to agriculture, and turned out to be the Hungarian politician with whom Yury Andropov communicated more often than others.
To know the state of affairs in agriculture, Hegedyush often visited the cooperatives and farms of all the provinces of Hungary. Andropov usually asked to be taken with him on these trips. The problems of the Hungarian countryside occupied a considerable place in the reports of the USSR embassy, which were regularly sent from Budapest to Moscow. Andropov wanted to receive the most important first-hand information, backing it up with personal impressions. According to Hegedyush, Andropov carefully studied the processes in the Hungarian countryside. He was not haughty and did not try to teach the Hungarians, as was typical of other influential visitors from the USSR.
In 1955, the internal struggle in the leadership of the VPT intensified again. In Moscow, however, the events in Hungary did not cause much alarm, partly because Andras Hegedus became the country's premier, about whom Andropov's reports always contained only positive reviews.
... Andropov, who was watching the demonstration from the windows of the embassy and from the embassy car, was shocked. He had never seen anything like it. Attempts by the police to intervene in the course of the stormy procession led to a clash between the population and law enforcement forces. The nature of the demonstration began to change, more and more radical demands were made. By evening, thousands of young people rushed to the Heroes' Square to throw off the huge bronze statue of Stalin from the pedestal. Having wrapped around the neck of the statue with steel cables attached to winches, trucks and truck cranes, hundreds of people could not, however, topple the bronze Stalin.
Retired Lieutenant General Yevgeny Ivanovich Malashenko, who in 1956 headed the task force of the headquarters of the Special Corps in Budapest, later recalled: “These days, Ambassador Yu. Andropov came to us, in the building of the Ministry of Defense. Petr Nikolaevich Lashchenko (commander of the Special Corps) invited him to have breakfast with us. Just the day before, Imre Nagy and his aides called the rebels "freedom fighters." It turned out that we were fighting against freedom. Yuri Vladimirovich said that he told A. I. Mikoyan and M. A. Suslov that a counter-revolutionary uprising was taking place in Hungary and that Imre Nagy was leading it. The armed uprising in Hungary, he believed, was of an anti-social nature; an insignificant part of the working people took part in it, mainly former Horthys, counter-revolutionaries, declassed and subversive elements transferred from the West. It seemed to me that Yu. V. Andropov continued to evaluate events one-sidedly, snatching out of the whole mass of factors that had only an anti-socialist orientation. Then we moved on to the most important thing. What should be done in connection with the demand for the withdrawal of our troops from Budapest? P. N. Lashchenko believed that in the current situation, our troops should be withdrawn from the city, since they were essentially inactive.
Yu. V. Andropov did not agree: "What, shall we leave the people's power, communists and patriots to be torn to pieces?" Lashchenko said that let them defend themselves and their power. We don't have to fight for them. Whoever wants to, let him go with us. "The Soviet troops will leave," Andropov said, "and tomorrow the United States and its allies will be here. We must defeat the armed detachments of the rebels in Budapest, and everything will calm down here." The same opinion was shared by Mikoyan and Suslov.
OPERATION VORTEX
Arriving immediately in Hungary, Marshal Konev set up his headquarters in the city of Szolnok, not far from Budapest. Soviet airborne units landed on the Hungarian airfields around Budapest and throughout the country, immediately seizing these airfields. Budapest was cut off from the province, the border of Hungary with Austria was taken under control.
On November 1, Nagy summoned the USSR Ambassador Andropov to a meeting of the narrow composition of the government and demanded an explanation. Andropov tried to explain the appearance of new troops in Hungary and the capture of Hungarian airfields by the need to calmly evacuate Soviet units from the country in the face of an uprising. Of course, this could not sound convincing; Imre Nagy not only handed Andropov a note of protest. With the consent of the members of the government and the leadership of the parties that are part of the new coalition, Imre Nagy announced Hungary's withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact and Hungary's acceptance of the status of a neutral state
From November 4 to 7, 1956, the Soviet embassy, guarded by Soviet tanks and paratroopers, became an important center of power in Budapest, in different parts of which there were fierce battles.
These events, as well as his own participation in them, left an indelible imprint on Andropov. In conversations with people close to him, he recalled, for example, how, at the end of October 1956, the embassy car came under fire on the outskirts of Budapest, and together with the military attache and driver, he walked for two hours through the night city to his embassy. Andropov did not see photographs of Communists and Hungarian security officials hanging from trees and telegraph poles. The well-known Soviet diplomat Oleg Troyanovsky later testified: “It always seemed to me that Andropov was very impressed by the events of 1956 in Hungary, of which he then turned out to be an eyewitness. He constantly returned to them in his stories. He often said: "You have no idea what it is like - hundreds of thousands of crowds, uncontrolled by anyone, take to the streets." And this fear of repeating something like this already in the USSR left its mark on his understanding of politics. Realizing the need for reforms, he was afraid to allow reforms "from below."
Somehow they fired at Andropov's car at the exit. Nervous shock caused a serious, for life, illness of his wife. All this, taken together, contributed, it seems to me, to the formation of a certain psychological complex. Those who knew Andropov later called this complex "Hungarian", referring to the extremely wary attitude towards the growth of internal difficulties in the socialist countries and the readiness to take the most radical measures too quickly in order to cope with the crisis.
AS PARTY SECRETARY
In the spring of 1957, Yuri Andropov returned to Moscow. His activities in Hungary were positively assessed not only by Dmitry Shepilov, who in the fall of 1956 served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, and from February 1957 again became Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Khrushchev was also pleased with Andropov's work.
Andropov's name said little at that time even to party officials and workers in the party press. But after the XXII Congress of the CPSU, the role of Andropov increased - he was elected a member of the Central Committee, and Andropov himself and his department took an active part in the preparation of the main documents of this congress. In early 1962, Andropov also became secretary of the Central Committee. Proposing his candidacy to the Plenum of the Central Committee, Khrushchev noted: “As for Andropov, he, in essence, has long been performing the functions of secretary of the Central Committee. So, apparently, you just need to formalize this provision.
An important innovation was the invitation to the apparatus of the department of a significant number of young intellectuals: philosophers, sinologists, economists, lawyers, political scientists. It was in the department headed by Andropov that such well-known later scientists, publicists and diplomats as G. Arbatov, A. Bovin, G. Shakhnazarov, F. Burlatsky, L. Delyusin, F. Petrenko, O. Bogomolov, G. Gerasimov and others.
“My first meeting with Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov,” the publicist Fyodor Burlatsky wrote in his memoirs, “took place at the beginning of 1960. He was then one of the heads of one of the many departments of the Central Committee. And I hardly heard anything about him before I started editing his article in the Kommunist magazine. He wished to meet with me directly ... He already wore glasses then, but this did not interfere with his large blue eyes, which were penetratingly and firmly looking at the interlocutor. A huge forehead, a large impressive nose, thick lips, his cleft chin, and finally, his hands, which he liked to keep on the table, playing with intertwined fingers - in a word, his whole large and massive figure inspired confidence and sympathy at first sight. He somehow immediately endeared me to him even before he uttered the first words.
You work, as I was told, in the international department of the magazine? came a melodious voice.
- Yes, I am the deputy editor of the department.
- Well, how would you feel about working here with us, with us? he suddenly asked.
- I did not think about it - I said ... - I'm not sure I'll be useful in the department. I love to write...
- Well, what else, and you will have the opportunity to write over your head. We, in fact, became interested in you, because we do not have enough people who could write well and think theoretically ...
Later, I was very quickly convinced that, no matter what text you brought, Yu.V. all the same, he will rewrite it from beginning to end with his own hand, passing each word through himself. All he needed was a solid primary material containing a set of all the necessary components, both semantic and verbal. After that, Andropov called several people to his office, seated us at an elongated table, took off his jacket, sat down himself in the chair and took the stylus in his hands. He read the document aloud, tasting every word, inviting each of us to participate in editing, or rather, in rewriting the text. This was done collectively and rather chaotically, like at an auction. Everyone could offer their own word, a new phrase or thought. Yu. V. accepted or rejected the proposal… He loved intellectual political work. He simply liked to participate personally in the writing of speeches and to lead the process of maturation of political thought and speech. In addition, these were very cheerful feasts, although they served only traditional tea with dryers or sandwiches. "Aristocrats of the spirit" (as Yu. V. called us) by the end of the evening vigils were often distracted by extraneous plots: they exchanged jokes, poetic epigrams, and drew caricatures. Yu.V. allowed all this, but only up to a certain limit. When it bothered him, he used to exclaim: "Work here!" and pointed to the text being rewritten in his large, round and distinct letters.
“I was invited as a consultant to Yu. V. Andropov's department in May 1964,” Georgy Arbatov wrote in his memoirs. - I can say that the group of consultants he assembled was one of the most outstanding "oases" of creative thought of that time ... It was very significant that the secretary of the CPSU Central Committee gathered such a group around him. He really felt the need for it, constantly and worked a lot with consultants. And he worked, not only giving instructions. In difficult situations (and there were many of them), and indeed at the final stage of the work, all those "involved" in it gathered in Andropov's office, took off their jackets, he took a pen - and collective creativity began, often very interesting for the participants and, as a rule, fruitful for business. In the course of work, discussions flared up, they were often transferred to other, extraneous, but also always important topics. In a word, speaking in academic terms, the work turned into an exciting theoretical and political seminar. Very interesting for us, consultants, and, I'm sure, for Andropov, otherwise he would have simply refused this method of work. And not only interesting, but also useful ... He got all this in full, especially since from the very beginning he established (and from time to time repeated) the rule: “In this room, the conversation is frank, absolutely open, no one hides their opinions. Another thing is when you go out the door, then behave according to generally recognized rules ”...
The memoirs of Alexander Bovin, who began working in Andropov's department in 1963, are interesting. “Then the inertia of the 20th Congress was still going on,” Bovin wrote, “and Yuri Vladimirovich gathered knowledgeable people around him.
During the first conversation with Andropov, a curious episode occurred. Then our relations with the Chinese were just beginning to deteriorate. And the controversy was in a veiled form. For example, Kommunist published a series of editorials discussing whether the second half of the 20th century is an era of revolutions and storms or an era of peaceful coexistence, whether a peaceful transition to socialism is possible or not.
Andropov asks:
- Have you read the articles?
- Certainly.
- How do you find them?
And since I did not "find" them in any way, I began to talk about the lack of logic, weak argumentation and loose composition of these publications. My friend, who was sitting next to me, stepped on my foot. And I fell silent. It turns out that I blasted the speeches of Suslov, Ponomarev, and Andropov himself, transcribed for the magazine. Nevertheless, they took me to work in the Central Committee, and I worked there for nine years ... "
“This is how our acquaintance took place,” Georgy Shakhnazarov wrote. - When I was invited to a large bright office with windows on the Old Square, Yuri Vladimirovich left the table, greeted me and offered to sit face to face in chairs. His big blue eyes shone with friendliness. In a large, slightly plump figure, a kind of "bearish" elegance was felt ... He asked me about the work of the journal "Problems of Peace and Socialism", inquired about family circumstances, showed concern for the arrangement of life and approved of my last article. Then he changed the subject, spoke about what is happening in our art, showing a good knowledge of the subject.
You know, - said Andropov (he, like M. S. Gorbachev, had a habit of almost immediately switching to you with everyone), - I try to look through Oktyabr, Znamya, other magazines, but still the main food for the mind I find in the "New World", it is close to me.
Since our tastes coincided, we enthusiastically continued to develop this topic, discussing the latest magazine publications ... We had a lively conversation until we were interrupted by a formidable phone call. I say formidable, because it came from a large white apparatus with a coat of arms, which connected the secretary of the Central Committee directly with the "heavenly office", that is, with N. S. Khrushchev. And I witnessed an amazing transformation, which, to be honest, I almost never saw on stage. Literally before my eyes, this lively, bright, interesting person was transformed into a soldier, ready to carry out any order of the commander. There were notes of humility and obedience in his voice. However, I had to observe such metamorphoses many times later. In Andropov, in an incomprehensible way, two different people coexisted - a Russian intellectual in the normal sense of this concept and an official who sees life's purpose in serving the party. I emphasize: not to the cause of communism, not to abstract concepts of the good of the people, country, state, but precisely the party as a self-sufficient organization that does not require any other, more lofty goals for its justification.
Andropov sometimes used his authority and the possibilities of the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU in order to help solve some not too big, of course, problems of culture and ideology. So, for example, through his consultants, he got acquainted with the work of the popular, but considered almost seditious theater on Taganka. In one of the interviews, the chief director of the theater was asked if it was true that Andropov had patronized Lyubimov and his theater in the past. Yuri Lyubimov replied: “No, it’s just that when the first performance of The Fallen and the Living was closed for me, my friends arranged a meeting with him. He was secretary of the Central Committee. I had a long conversation with him. He began it by saying, "I thank you as a father." I did not understand, I say: "For what, actually?" - "And you did not take my children to the theater." It turns out that they really wanted to be artists, they came to me. Mom and dad were horrified. The guys were very young, really children, and I told them that everyone wants to go to the theater, but first they need to graduate from the institute, but now it’s not necessary ... They returned in tears - the cruel uncle refused, he read morality to us for a long time ... And for this he respected me .
Many other examples could be cited when Andropov displayed independence of judgment and common sense, although he usually did not try to enter into an open argument with Khrushchev or Suslov. So, for example, Andropov appreciated the best of the paintings of the Soviet avant-garde artists and supported them at least by acquiring a lot of “abstractionist” paintings. So did many of the members of his department. Andropov knew how popular this style of painting was in Poland or Cuba. Andropov clearly did not share Khrushchev's encouragement of Lysenko's absurd monopoly in the biological and agricultural sciences. Of course, Andropov was not an expert in genetics. But he had to deal with Czechoslovakia, where the founder of classical genetics G. Mendel was considered the pride of the country and nation. Under Stalin, the Czechs still had to remove the monument to Mendel in 1948 and close the museum. But in the 1960s, the authorities of Czechoslovakia, under pressure from public opinion, began to demand the return of the monument to the great scientist to its original place and the opening of the Mendel Museum.
With L.I. Brezhnev
OPAL
Andropov was not part of Khrushchev's closest associates, but he did not have serious reasons for dissatisfaction with Khrushchev, such as Mikhail Suslov, for example, whom Khrushchev allowed himself to openly mock at some not particularly narrow meetings. Apparently, therefore, no one devoted Andropov to the plans for Khrushchev's removal, and the events of October 1964 came as a surprise to him. He failed to give them an adequate assessment and predict the future.
In 1965, to some extent, he found himself in isolation and even in disgrace. Brezhnev did not meet with him, almost did not consult with him and M. Suslov. In public and cultural life in the country in 1965-1966, a struggle was practically openly unfolding between the Stalinists who raised their heads and the opponents of Stalinism. Yuri Andropov sympathized with the latter and the supporters of the moderate democratization of Soviet society. But this sympathy did not translate into active support. Andropov refused to take the position that was taken in 1965 by a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the editor-in-chief of Pravda, A. M. Rumyantsev. In 1965 and at the beginning of 1966, the editorial board led by him achieved the publication of a number of large articles protesting against the praise of Stalin and the restoration of Stalinist methods, especially in relations between the party and the intelligentsia. Some of the consultants of the international departments of the Central Committee, for example, Yuri Karyakin and Fyodor Burlatsky, also went to work in the editorial office of Pravda. For the newspaper, which was an organ of the Central Committee of the CPSU, this struggle could not end in success at that time. Already in the spring of 1966, the "Rumyantsev group" disintegrated. Rumyantsev resigned and went to work in the Presidium of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
Yuri Andropov did not support Rumyantsev. He behaved extremely cautiously, not adjoining any of the groupings that arose at that time around Brezhnev, and around Kosygin, and around Shelepin, and around Suslov.
At the 23rd Congress of the CPSU, the composition of the Central Committee changed significantly. But Andropov was again elected a member of the Central Committee, and then its secretary. He continued to head his former department. However, the nature of work in the department and the former atmosphere of "intellectual freemen" have changed, it turned out to be a very difficult period for Andropov himself. He saw that a conservative turn was taking place in the country. But he could not openly rebel against him. Andropov was a professional politician and a regular party worker. For such a person, there were no opportunities at that time to act independently in ideology or politics. The example of Dmitry Shepilov, to whom Andropov sent his ciphertexts in 1956 and who now worked in the archive department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, was well known to him. Therefore, he decided to stay, probably in the hope that other political trends will eventually prevail in the country and he will get a chance to use them ...
Andropov often looked depressed, gloomy, irritated. His inner circle began to gradually disintegrate. One of the first to leave the apparatus of the Central Committee was F. Burlatsky. “... It was,” recalls Fedor Mikhailovich, “at the end of December 1964. At nine o'clock in the evening I was still sitting in my spacious office, looking through the latest TASS reports and business papers. A memo "On planning the foreign policy of the USSR" that I had prepared for the Politburo caught my eye. Rereading the text, I thought bitterly about how the most reasonable ideas perish or turn into their opposite, about the turn that began after the fall of Khrushchev. Suddenly the phone rang.
Could you come to me? - some confused and hoarse voice of Andropov was heard in the receiver.
I went to see him, sat down in a chair across from me, and was struck by the unusually sad and dejected expression on his face. We sat for several minutes in silence: he lowered his eyes, and I peered into his face and tried to understand what was happening. And then - by some completely inexplicable impulsive movement of the soul - I suddenly said:
Yuri Vladimirovich, I would like to talk to you about this all the time. (He looked up at me in surprise.) I feel more and more inappropriate to continue my work in the department. You know that I never aspired to, and probably could not, become an employee of the apparatus. I love to write. But the main thing, perhaps, is not this. Now there is a sharp turn in domestic and foreign policy. At first it seemed that we would go further along the path of reforms, along the path of the Twentieth Congress. Now you can see that this line is rejected. A new time is coming. A new policy requires new people. I wanted to ask you to let me go. I have long dreamed of working in a newspaper as a political observer, and now, I think, is the most opportune moment for this, besides, it will probably untie your hands in some way, since many look askance at me, considering me a fanatical anti-Stalinist.
I posted all this in one gulp. And then I saw Andropov's face. I have no words to convey his expression. He looked at me with a sort of serpentine gaze for several long minutes and was silent. I am still tormented by a riddle - what did this look mean? At that moment, it seemed to me that it expressed dissatisfaction with my unexpected statement. Of course, Yu.V. didn’t expect anything like that from me… After a pause, with a hoarseness in his voice, Yu.V. slowly said:
And who do you propose instead of yourself?
He did not call me Fyodor, as he usually did, but asked the question in an impersonal, indifferent, even hostile manner.
I think that Shakhnazarov and Arbatov are equally suitable for this role - at your choice. Each of them is quite able to lead the group. They have been working for more than two years and have mastered the business well.
“Probably, Arbatov is still more suitable,” Andropov said ... “As for your transition as a political observer to Pravda, I won’t help you, bother yourself.
After this conversation ... I left the office in a strange state of shock. It was as if I had achieved my goal: I had long dreamed of working as a political observer ... But I did not expect such a conversation with Andropov. Almost five years of continuous trouble-free service, great human closeness - and such an ending. 
LUBYANSK FUHRER
It is unlikely that Andropov ever imagined that he would be forced to head such a specific institution as the KGB. It was even more difficult to assume that it was Andropov who would turn out to be the most effective leader of this organization after F. Dzerzhinsky and would work at the Lubyanka for exactly 15 years. 
But in mid-May 1967, at one of the meetings of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, it was decided to remove Vladimir Semichastny from the post of Chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. It was officially announced that Semichastny was "transferring to a new job." Indeed, he was soon appointed one of the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, Vladimir Shcherbitsky, who already had several deputies, including the first two. Unofficially, party organizations spread information about the removal of Semichastny in connection with the escape to the West of Stalin's daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva, as well as a series of major failures of Soviet intelligence in Western Europe and "for inflating petty cases."
Former member of the Politburo and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine Petr Shelest wrote in his memoirs: “I came to Moscow for a meeting of the Politburo. There are many complex and important issues on the agenda ... In a short interval, Brezhnev took out some piece of paper from his breast pocket, looked and said: "Call Semichastny." V. Semichastny entered the meeting room, it was felt that he did not know on what issue he was invited to the Politburo meeting, looked at us with some bewilderment, even seemed confused ... Brezhnev announces: "Now we need to discuss the issue of Semichastny." "What to discuss?" - replicated Semichastny. Brezhnev replied: "There is a proposal to relieve you of the post of Chairman of the KGB in connection with the transfer to another job." Semichastny raised his voice: “For what? No one talked to me about this topic, I don’t even know the reason for such a move” ... Brezhnev’s rude shout followed: “There are many shortcomings in the work of the KGB, intelligence and undercover work is poorly organized ... And the case with Alliluyeva? could she have gone to India, and from there fly to the USA?"... From all the reaction, it was clear that many members of the Politburo and secretaries of the Central Committee were not aware of this issue. I was simply amazed that no one talked to Semichastny before resolving this issue, he was not allowed to come to his senses. Nevertheless, the decision was taken unanimously.
Brezhnev proposed to appoint Yu. V. Andropov as the new Chairman of the KGB, who, like many secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU, was present at a meeting of the Politburo. Nobody objected. According to P. Shelest, “it was noticeable that this proposal was not unexpected for Andropov. But he still said: “Maybe we shouldn’t do this? I don’t understand such matters at all, and it will be very difficult for me to master this difficult work.”
The true reasons for this important move were far from both official and unofficial explanations. In 1965-1967, Brezhnev was not the sole leader of the party and state, and many considered him only a temporary and intermediate figure. The influence of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Alexei Kosygin was very great, who claimed the main role in solving not only economic problems, but also many issues of foreign policy. The energetic Nikolai Podgorny, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, did not want to be only a formal leader of the state. There were situations when it was these three people who got together in the Kremlin and made decisions on a number of not just important, but also urgent problems. After the October Plenum, the role of M. Suslov, who claimed to be the "chief ideologist" of the party, increased significantly. However, Alexander Shelepin claimed the leadership most openly. This 49-year-old ambitious politician, who headed the KGB in 1958-1961, was not only a member of the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but also one of the first deputies of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Shelepin also headed a special organization of party-state control created under Khrushchev with large formal rights and its own staff of controllers. Semichastny was a friend of Shelepin, but in mid-May 1967, Shelepin fell ill, and he was diagnosed with appendicitis and was admitted to the Kremlin hospital for urgent surgery. At this time, Brezhnev, supported by Suslov, Kosygin and Podgorny, decided to carry out the removal of Semichastny through the Politburo. Returning from the hospital, Shelepin discovered that he had lost not only a sick appendix. 
And so, on the evening of May 19, 1967, immediately after the end of the Politburo meeting, the commission of the Central Committee of the CPSU, consisting of M. Suslov, A. Kirilenko and I. Kapitonov, arrived at Lubyanka and, having convened the KGB board, announced the decision of the Politburo, presenting to the members of the KGB board their new chief Yu. V. Andropov.
The appointment of Andropov as Chairman of the KGB suited Suslov quite well, who saw him as a rival in solving ideological problems. Kosygin did not mind either, who did not always have a complete understanding with Andropov when solving issues of economic cooperation with the countries of the socialist camp, primarily with China. Brezhnev was also very pleased, who had a difficult relationship not only with Shelepin, but also with Semichastny. Andropov was not one of Brezhnev's friends, but in 1967 he was far from other leaders.
Back in 1966, after the trial of the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel, which caused many protests and collective letters in the Central Committee of the CPSU, there were rumors in Moscow that Semichastny allegedly asked for sanctions to arrest several hundred or even thousands of people. Many spoke of Andropov as an intelligent, intelligent and sober-minded person.
In August 1968, he influenced the decision to send Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia. At the end of 1979, Andropov supported the proposal for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and in 1980 he insisted on a military action in Poland. 
With the workers of the Onega Tractor Plant
In 1974, Andropov became a Hero of Socialist Labor, and in 1976 he was awarded the title of "general of the army." 
In 1979, after the Munich events, Yuri Vladimirovich took the initiative to create an anti-terrorism unit, which later became known as Alpha. 
At the funeral of L.I. Brezhnev. November 1982 Andropov - far left, as successor
In May 1982, Andropov was again elected Secretary of the Central Committee (from May 24 to November 12, 1982) and left the leadership of the KGB. Even then, many perceived this as the appointment of a successor to Brezhnev.
In November 1982, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. 
Over the 15 years of his leadership, the state security agencies have significantly expanded their control over all spheres of the life of the state and society. Under Yuri Andropov, there were trials of human rights activists, various methods of suppressing dissent were used, and various forms of extrajudicial persecution (compulsory treatment in psychiatric hospitals) were often practiced. Dissidents were expelled and deprived of citizenship (writer A. I. Solzhenitsyn, academician A. D. Sakharov). 
Yuri Andropov was a supporter of the most decisive measures in relation to those countries of the socialist camp that sought to pursue an independent policy.
Under him, covert operations were carried out to transfer large amounts of currency to foreign communist parties and public associations that supported the USSR. 
In the first months of his reign, Andropov proclaimed a course aimed at social and economic transformation. But all the changes came down to administrative measures, strengthening labor discipline, exposing corruption in the inner circle of the ruling elite. During his reign, in some cities of the USSR, law enforcement agencies began to apply very tough measures (round-ups were organized to identify truants among workers and schoolchildren). At the beginning of 1983, the prices of many goods were raised, but the price of vodka was reduced, which was popularly called "andropovka" 
Andropovka
Under Andropov, mass production of licensed records of popular Western performers of genres (rock, disco, synth-pop), previously banned, began in order to stop speculation with records and magnetic recordings. 
The political and economic system under Andropov remained unshakable. In foreign policy, the confrontation with the West intensified.
At the same time, Yuri Andropov sought to strengthen his personal power. Since June 1983, he has combined the post of general secretary of the party with the post of head of state - chairman of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. But he remained in the highest post for a little over 1 year. 
Letter from Samantha Smith
The most famous letter was that of the American schoolgirl Samantha Smith. A ten-year-old girl asked the leader of the USSR if he was going to start a war with her country.
Samantha's letter was published in the Pravda newspaper. Soon the American girl received a reply from Yuri Andropov. 
From conversations with foreign leaders
Andropov - man of the year
In 1983, Yuri Andropov, together with US President Ronald Reagan, was recognized as Time magazine's Person of the Year. The publication considered politicians the least capable of negotiating. 
In total, the Soviet figure appeared on the cover of an American magazine three times.
Time named three Soviet leaders people of the year. In addition to Andropov, the editors chose Joseph Stalin (twice), Nikita Khrushchev, Mikhail Gorbachev (twice). In 2007, Russian President Vladimir Putin became Time's Person of the Year. 
Death of Secretary General-GBist
Andropov died 15 months after coming to power, without having had time to accomplish anything. Already in February 1983 there was a sharp deterioration in health. The development of renal failure led to complete kidney failure due to years of gout. From now on, he could not live without the "artificial kidney" apparatus. Andropov died on February 9, 1984. 73-year-old Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko became the successor. 
Farewell ceremony with Yu.V. Andropov
Many human rights activists are inclined to unequivocally negatively evaluate the figure of the Soviet leader Yuri Andropov for the destruction of dissidents by him. 
However, it is known that the same person actively supported the theaters of Lyubimov and Efremov, supported the publication in the "New World" of Solzhenitsyn's sensational story "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich." It was Andropov who found the opportunity to help or soften the blow of the power of the party apparatus in relation to such figures as Yevgeny Yevtushenko, Mikhail Bakhtin, Vladimir Vysotsky and many others. 
Andropov's contemporaries testify that he was an intellectual, creative person, not without self-irony. Unlike Brezhnev, he was indifferent to flattery and luxury, did not tolerate bribery and embezzlement. In Petrozavodsk, under the pseudonym Yuri Vladimirov, he published his poetry collection. Those who knew Yuri Andropov well called him "a romantic from the Lubyanka." 
Stamp with Yu.V. Andropov
Andropov was buried on Red Square in Moscow near the Kremlin wall. Margaret Thatcher and Bush Sr. flew to the funeral ceremony of farewell to Yuri Andropov. In the name of Yu.V. Andropov named streets, avenues and the ship.
Website materials used: http://www.istpravda.ru and http://kremlion.ru
In the section on the question Which city was called Andropov before? MORE PHOTO? given by the author Victoria the best answer is Rybinsk
March 15, 1984 - the city of Rybinsk was renamed the city of Andropov
Victoria
Enlightened
(41965)
Ha ha seriously? well, at least put it in, but you're not going to?
Answer from 22 answers[guru]
Hey! Here is a selection of topics with answers to your question: What city was called Andropov before? MORE PHOTO?
Answer from Elena Dobrynina[guru]
Rybinsk!
Answer from Anastasia Atamanchuk[guru]
Andropov - the name of the city of Rybinsk in 1984-1989.
Rybinsk is a city in the Yaroslavl region of Russia, the administrative center of the Rybinsk municipal district, an urban district.
Population - 208.958 thousand people (as of December 1, 2008). The national composition is traditional for the center of Russia, with a predominance of the Russian population.
Former names before 1504 - Ust-Sheksna
before 1777 - Rybnaya Sloboda
before 1946 - Rybinsk
until 1957 - Shcherbakov
until 1984 - Rybinsk
until 1989 - Andropov
Answer from Yatiana[guru]
On November 18, 1982, the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR appeared on the renaming of the city of Naberezhnye Chelny to the city of Brezhnev
June 19, 2007
20 years since the return (1987) to the city of Izhevsk of its historical name after renaming in 1984 to the city of Ustinov.
ANDROPOV, the name of the city of Rybinsk, Yaroslavl region. in 1984-89.
Answer from Travka 461[guru]
Rybinsk is a city in Russia, the administrative center of the Rybinsk district of the Yaroslavl region.
The city is located at the confluence of the Volga and Sheksna.
A settlement on this site has been known since 1071. At first it was called Ust-Sheksna, in 1504 it was renamed Rybnaya Sloboda, in 1777 the village received the status of a city and was named Rybinsk, in 1946 it was renamed Shcherbakov (in honor of Alexander Shcherbakov), in 1957 it was renamed Rybinsk again, in 1984 renamed to Andropov (in honor of Yuri Andropov), in 1989 again renamed to Rybinsk.
Alexander Sergeevich Shcherbakov from 1938 until his death in 1945 headed the Moscow organization of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, and from 1941 he was also the secretary of the Central Committee of the party. His organizational skills were especially evident during the war years, when he was Deputy People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR. After a sudden (at the age of 44) death, the name of this statesman was given to Rybinsk. And this was not done by chance, since Shcherbakov studied in this city. And today at house number 11 on the street. Krestovaya (which is next to the drama theater) there is a memorial plaque with the following text: "The former higher primary school where A. S. Shcherbakov studied, 1913-1917."
Unfortunately, this text, without additional information, says little to the majority of living Rybinsk residents, because many simply do not know who A.S. Shcherbakov is.
The life of Yu. A. Andropov was also connected with Rybinsk. Here he graduated from the Rybinsk Technical School of Water Transport (now the River School), then worked as a released secretary of the Komsomol organization of this technical school, then as a Komsomol organizer of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League of the shipyard. Volodarsky.
The start of a new trend was set in Krasnodar, where the head of the city, Vladimir Evlanov, speaking with an annual report, suggested that residents return the historical name of Yekaterinodar to the capital of the Kuban. Then, President of Russia Vladimir Putin received a proposal from one of the veterans of the Great Patriotic War to turn Volgograd into Stalingrad again. A Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov he liked this initiative so much that he immediately spoke in favor of renaming St. Petersburg to Leningrad.
AiF decided to recall how Russian cities changed their names and which of them may soon join the new fashion for renaming.
Journey from St. Petersburg to St. Petersburg
The most experienced among Russian cities in terms of renaming, without a doubt, is St. Petersburg. Founded in the 18th century, it changed its name for the first time 200 years later - in 1914 on the wave of anti-German sentiments (there was the First World War). And it became known as Petrograd. This name was not new - Alexander Pushkin used it in some works. However, as the official name of the city, it did not take root well.
However, it did not last long: the next renaming happened exactly 10 years later, when Russia became the country of the Soviets. The name Petrograd disappeared after the death of Lenin - in 1924 the city was given a new name - Leningrad by the decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The Central Committee of the Party invested in this hasty (three days after Lenin's death) renaming a deep symbolic meaning - if Petersburg bore the name of the monarch, then Leningrad will cast aside the tsarist past and will strive for a brighter future prepared by Lenin during the October Revolution.
The new name lasted 70 years. Another epochal turning point occurred in the history of the northern capital and the whole country in 1991, with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The opinions of the inhabitants were divided almost equally: someone rather wanted to forget the "scoop", and someone, having lived all his life in Leningrad, did not want to part with the past. It is interesting that the decree on renaming was signed despite a microscopic majority of votes - 54% of the townspeople supported the name change in the referendum.
St. Petersburg has changed its name more than once, but there are still new proposals to rename the northern capital. Photo: www.globallookpress.com
But the Leningrad region remained. Like the entry in the passports of old-timers in the column « place of birth" - Leningrad.
If not Yekaterinodar, then - Yekaterinodar District
The capital of the Kuban can be considered the most « stubborn » in the matter of renaming. On the one hand, the authorities of the city and the region return to this problem with enviable regularity, on the other hand, the majority of Krasnodar residents stubbornly reject the initiative every time.
June 30, 1792 Catherine II issued the Black Sea Cossack army Complained Diploma, according to which she transferred the Kuban land to the Cossacks for eternal possession. It is not surprising that it was decided to name the first city founded on the new territory in honor of the Empress - Yekaterinodar. The name lasted 127 years until it caused strong displeasure of the Soviet authorities.
The decision to rename Yekaterinodar to Krasnodar was brewing, - says Valery Kasyanov, Doctor of Historical Sciences. - Catherine II, thanks to the reforms and transformations carried out, enjoyed special respect among the Cossacks. Moreover, they received these lands as a gift from her. It is clear that the Bolsheviks did not like this, and they tried to denigrate her - they called her an immoral, riotous "German woman on the throne." Surely, the name of the city annoyed them.
And then the Kuban-Black Sea Revolutionary Committee sent a telegram to Moscow with a request for renaming. No one asked the residents of the city. So the people of Yekaterinodar woke up in Krasnodar just before the new year of 1920. The fact that the renaming took place was enlightened in the latest issue of the Krasnoye Znamya newspaper.
Talk about changing the name logically arose after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the 90s, they even arranged in Krasnodar, but the majority then spoke out against it. In 2014, they returned to the idea, as they say in the administration of Krasnodar, after appeals from some public activists. The initiative arose on a wave of patriotism associated with the return of Crimea to Russia.
Opinion polls again showed that the majority of Krasnodar residents do not want to be renamed, but they are reminded of Yekaterinodar every day by the monograms on the sidewalk fences. Photo: AiF-South / Alina Menkova
This time, the authorities of Krasnodar decided not to step on a century-old rake and, for a start, conducted sociological surveys. As a result, more than 60% of the townspeople again spoke out against the renaming. However, during the discussions, an alternative idea suddenly emerged. Not to rename the whole city, but to create the fifth intracity district, calling it Yekaterinodar.
The proposal is very sound, because over the years the Kuban capital has grown significantly, and unevenly. The Prikubansky district, for example, is equal in area to all the other three districts combined. We have already discussed at meetings the future redistribution of districts. And, indeed, why not give the new formation the name of Yekaterinodar? - says the deputy head of Krasnodar for urban economy, fuel and energy complex and housing issues Evgeny Pervyshov.
An alternative idea is currently under discussion. Meanwhile, Nizhny Novgorod is already following a similar path. In 1221, the settlement was called Novgorod Nizovsky, then it became Nizhny Novgorod, in Soviet times it was Gorky, and in the 90s it returned the best of its names. So now in the city the names are changed purely locally. For example, soon one of the main squares of Nizhny Novgorod (Lyadov Square) will return its old name - Holy Cross Exaltation. Also on the old-new square a bust of the Nizhny Novgorod merchant Nikolai Bugrov, a monument in honor of the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross and a memorial "Gate to Old Nizhny" will be erected.
Tsaritsyn - Volgograd - Stalingrad?
“At least call it a pot, just don’t put it in the oven” - this folk saying is not to the heart of many residents of the city on the Volga, who have already experienced one renaming. The heated debate resumed after Russian President Vladimir Putin received an offer from one of the Russian veterans to rename Volgograd to Stalingrad.
However, the president did not advise getting excited.
In accordance with our law, this is the business of the subject of the federation and the municipality, - Putin commented. - In this case, the residents should hold a referendum, decide how the residents say, and we will do it.
Meanwhile, the current renaming proposal is not the first: such initiatives arise regularly, and, as a rule, it is the Soviet name of the city - Stalingrad, and not the old one - Tsaritsyn (Volgograd wore it from 1589 until 1925) that appears in them.
By the way, it is the Volgograd legislators who came up with the curious initiative to temporarily rename the city. So, on the days of public holidays and memorable dates (May 9 - on Victory Day, June 22 - on the Day of Memory and Sorrow, August 23 - on the Day of Remembrance of the victims of the bombing of Stalingrad by Nazi aircraft, September 2 - on the Day of the end of World War II and November 19 - on the Day of the beginning of the defeat of the Nazis near Stalingrad), the capital of the Volgograd region begins to be called Stalingrad. And there is no need to spend money on renaming, and residents do not express protests.
Where did the Ostyaks and Voguls go?
Until the 20th century, 42 cities were renamed in Russia. In the recent history of the Russian Federation, the names of 129 cities have changed, and in some places more than once. But even more surprising are the initiatives, during which they renamed not just cities and regions, but entire nations!
Residents of the capital of Ugra prefer to call themselves Khanty and Mansi, rather than Ostyaks and Voguls. Photo: AiF / Evgeny Listyuk
Take to For example, Khanty-Mansiysk. Not everyone knows what the capital of Ugra used to wearcompletely different name, and, as today, consisting of the names of the main nationalities living in the autonomous region. It’s just that once upon a time the Khanty and Mansi were called Ostyaks and Voguls. In the first case, these are the names that the northerners gave themselves, in the second case, those that the Russians called them.
Soviet ethnography decided that self-names of peoples, and not the names given to them by Russians, should become ethnonyms. And Khanty, Mansi, Nenets, Selkups, Nivkhs, etc. appeared. After that, it would be logical to rename Ostyako-Vogulsk to Khanty-Mansiysk, - explains historian Yakov Yakovlev.
Apparently, they made the right decision, because Ostyako-Vogulsk lasted only 10 years, and the current residents of Khanty-Mansiysk do not want to return this name to the city.
Leningrad is resting...
Some Russian cities were even lucky that the idea of changing names was not approved at the time. Otherwise, the descendants would certainly be engaged in renaming. So, the well-known Chelyabinsk could be called ... Kaganovichagrad (in honor of the People's Commissar of Communications) or ... Koba (in honor of Stalin's underground pseudonym)!
In both cases ideas came from active citizens and labor collectives of the city. The authorities either ignored the initiative or wrapped it up, at least, according to Elena Rokhatsevich, archaeographer of the Chelyabinsk Region United State Archive, no official papers on this matter have been preserved.
6 more cities in the country that used to be called differently
- Izhevsk - Ustinov
In 1984, the capital of the Udmurt region - Izhevsk - changed its name to the city of Ustinov - after Marshal of the Soviet Union - Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov - twice Hero of Labor and Hero of the USSR. The official news of the renaming caused an unprecedented protest of the townspeople. Udmurtia categorically did not accept the new name of its capital, and already in 1987 its historical name was returned to Izhevsk.
- Samara - Kuibyshev
From 1935 to 1991, Samara was called Kuibyshev after the Soviet party and statesman Valerian Vladimirovich Kuibyshev. In October 1917, it was Kuibyshev who participated in the establishment of Soviet power in Samara, was the chairman of the Samara Revolutionary Committee and the provincial committee of the Bolshevik Party.
- Kirov - Vyatka
In 1934, in memory of Sergei Kirov, a native of the Vyatka province, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee renamed Vyatka into Kirov. It is curious that in fact the revolutionary and staunch Leninist was called Kostrikov. By the way, the first mention of Vyatka (or Vyatka land) in the all-Russian chronicles dates back to 1374, but despite such a rich history, the city still bears the Soviet name.
- Yekaterinburg - Sverdlovsk
Initially, the governor of Perm proposed to rename Yekaterinburg in 1914. Then there were such variants of the new name: Ekaterinograd, Isedonsk, Ekaterinopol, Ekaterinozavodsk. However, after discussion, the Duma unanimously spoke in favor of retaining the existing name given by Emperor Peter the Great.
Later, the Perm Academic Archival Commission proposed more options: Ekaterinozavodsk, Ekaterinoisetsk, Ekaterinougorsk, Ekaterinoural, Ekaterinokamensk, Ekaterinogor, Ekaterinobor. But none of these names worked. Only ten years later (in 1924), the Yekaterinburg City Council decided to rename the city to Sverdlovsk in honor of Yakov Sverdlov, a leader of the Communist Party and the Soviet state. The city spent 67 years in Sverdlovsk. However, the region still remained Sverdlovsk.
- Vladikavkaz - Ordzhonikidze
Twice in its history, in 1931-1944 and 1954-1990, Vladikavkaz was named after Ordzhonikidze. Georgy (Sergo) Ordzhonikidze was a prominent politician and revolutionary, a devoted supporter of Stalin, although at the end of his life he was not spared the wrath of the ruler. In 1944-54, Ordzhonikidze was renamed Dzaudzhikau. The historical name of Vladikavkaz was returned to the city in 1990.
- Naberezhnye Chelny - Brezhnev
A little more than five years (from November 19, 1982 to January 6, 1988) Naberezhnye Chelny bore the name of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
The city was renamed almost immediately after Brezhnev's death. It was a kind of tribute to the memory of the leader, who actually built the new Naberezhnye Chelny. It was during the years of Brezhnev's rule that the city experienced rapid growth: the Nizhnekamsk hydroelectric power station appeared, the first factories, and in the 1970s-1980s. and the largest plant for the production of trucks and engines KamAZ. The 20-thousandth city before became half a million. The historical name of the city was returned in 1988.
25 years ago on this day, the city of Rybinsk was renamed the city of Andropov. The former name of the city was returned only in 1989.
Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov was born on June 15, 1914 at the Nagutskaya station of the Stavropol province in the family of a railway worker.
Vladimir Konstantinovich Andropov - father of Yuri Vladimirovich - a railway engineer, had a higher education, graduated from the Kharkov Institute of Railway Transport. He died of typhus in 1919.
Andropov's mother, music teacher Evgenia Karlovna Flekenstein, was the daughter (or adopted daughter) of natives of Finland - the watch and jewelry dealer Karl Frantsevich Flekenstein and Evdokia Mikhailovna Flekenstein, who, after the death of Karl Flekenstein in 1915, took care of her husband's affairs.
His parents died early: his father - when he was only five years old, his mother - a music teacher - in 1927.
Since 1923, Yuri was brought up in the family of his stepfather.
Yuri Andropov studied at the seven-year school in the city of Mozdok. He started working at the age of 16, first as a loader, then as a telegraph operator. From the age of 18 he worked on various ships as a sailor in the Volga Shipping Company. In 1932, Yu. Andropov entered the technical school of water transport in the mountains. Rybinsk, after which (1936) he became the released secretary of the Komsomol organization of this educational institution. Then he was nominated for the position of Komsomol organizer of the Rybinsk shipyard named after. Volodarsky. Already in 1937 he was elected secretary, and in 1938 the first secretary of the Yaroslavl Regional Committee of the Komsomol. Soon (1939) Yu.V. Andropov joined the ranks of the CPSU (b).
In 1935 he married Nina Ivanovna Engalycheva, who studied at the institute as an investigator, and later worked in the NKVD. In 1940 he divorced his first wife. Later he married Tatyana Filippovna Lebedeva.
In 1940 he was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Leninist Communist Youth Union of the Karelian-Finnish SSR.
With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, Yu.V. Andropov participated in the organization of the partisan movement in Karelia, while at the same time continuing to head the Komsomol organization in the unoccupied part of the republic.
After the liberation of Karelia from the Germans, in 1944, Yu.V. Andropov switched to party work: from that time on, he began to hold the post of second secretary of the Petrozavodsk city party committee. During this period, he studied at Petrozavodsk State University, later - at the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the CPSU. Since 1947 Yu.V. Andropov - Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Karelia.
In 1951, he was transferred to the apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU and appointed as an inspector, and then head of a subdepartment. Soon, in 1953, he went to work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. First, he headed the 4th European Department, which was in charge of relations with Poland and Czechoslovakia, and from 1954 to 1957 he was the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to the Hungarian People's Republic.
In 1957 Yu.V. Andropov was appointed head of the department for relations with the communist and workers' parties of the socialist countries of the Central Committee of the CPSU. He invited scientists and publicists to the department as consultants. In 1961, at the XXII Congress of the CPSU, Yuri Vladimirovich was elected a member of the Central Committee, continuing to remain the head of the department; in 1962 he became secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. After the displacement of N.S. Khrushchev (1964), Andropov retained his former posts, again becoming a member and then secretary of the Central Committee.
In May 1967 Yu.V. Andropov is appointed chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In June of the same year, Andropov was elected a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.
In May 1967 Yu.V. Andropov is appointed chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In June of the same year, Andropov was elected a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.
Yu.V. Andropov was a supporter of the most decisive measures in relation to those countries of the socialist camp that sought to pursue an independent domestic and foreign policy. In August 1968, he influenced the decision to send Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia. At the end of 1979, Andropov supported the proposal for the invasion of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, and in 1980 he insisted on holding a military action in Poland.
At the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU (November 12, 1982), Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (Yu.V. Andropov replaced L.I. Brezhnev in this post). Since June 1983, he has simultaneously held the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov died on February 09, 1984.
In order to perpetuate the memory of Yu.V. Andropov Central Committee of the CPSU, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Council of Ministers of the USSR decided to install his bust at the Nagutskaya station in the Stavropol Territory (it was opened in 1985), rename the city of Rybinsk in the Yaroslavl Region to Andropov (the city bore the name of Andropov from 1984 to 1989) , Kursavsky district of the Stavropol Territory - into Andropovsky (the district was renamed in 1984 and is still called Andropovsky). The resolution also spoke about the assignment of the name of Yu.V. Andropov to the Rosselmash Production Association, the Novolipetsk Metallurgical Plant, the Leningrad Higher Military-Political School of Air Defense, one of the higher educational institutions, the Guards Tank Kantemirovskaya Order of Lenin Red Banner Division, the border detachment of the Red Banner North-Western Border District, secondary school No. 108 of the Ministry of Railways of the city of Mozdok, the Palace of Pioneers of the city of Petrozavodsk, an avenue or square in the city of Moscow (at the moment one of the avenues of the capital bears the name of Andropov) and one of the streets in the cities of Yaroslavl, Petrozavodsk and Stupino (Moscow region), the ship of the Navy. The resolution also proposed to establish 12 Andropov scholarships for students of Petrozavodsk State University named after O.V. Kuusinen, the Yaroslavl Polytechnic Institute and another of the higher educational institutions, to place memorial plaques on the buildings of the Volodarsky shipbuilding plant in the Yaroslavl region and the State Security Committee, at house number 26 on Kutuzovsky Prospekt in Moscow, where Yu.V. Andropov, install a bust on the grave of Yu.V. Andropov on Red Square near the Kremlin wall.
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