Onotole pointed to an interesting document.
Order of the NPO of the USSR No. 312, Moscow
September 22, 1941
On the introduction of new norms for the food supply of the Red Army
The norms of the daily allowance of the Red Army and the commanding staff of the combat units of the army
No. p.p. Name of products Quantity in grams
1 Bread made from rye and wholemeal flour: for winter time (October - March) ...900
for summer time (April - Sep.800
2 Wheat flour 2 grades .............................. 20
3 Groats different ............................. ..........140
4 Pasta vermicelli ............... ............... 30
5 Meat.............................................. ....150
6 Fish ........................................................ . 100
7 Deodorized Soybean Flour...................... 15
8 Combined fat and lard .............................. 30
9 Vegetable oil.............................. ..........20
10 Sugar................................... .............. ...35
11 Tea ........................................ ........... .....one
12 Salt for cooking .............................. 30
13. Vegetables:.
. potatoes.......................................................500
. fresh or sauerkraut .............................. 170
. carrot................................. ................ 45
. beet.................................. ............... .40
. onion ............................................ 30
. roots. greens, cucumbers .............................. 3 5
. Total ............................... .............. ..820
14 Tomato paste...............................................6
15 Bay leaf ................................... ......0.2
16 Pepper .................................................. ...0.3
17 Vinegar............................................................... ...2
18 Mustard powder ............................................. ......0.3
19 Makhorka............................................... 20
20 Matches (boxes per month) ............................... 3
21 Smoking paper (books per month) ............... 7
22 Toilet soap (per month)... 200
Well, behind the front line, Wehrmacht soldiers regularly ate this:
Nutrition in combat conditions. The soldier received the "Normal food for the war" (Verpflegung im Kriege)
It existed in two versions - the daily ration (Tagesration);
- inviolable diet (Eiserne Portion).
The first was a set of food and hot food given out daily to the soldier for food, and the second was a set of food partly carried by the soldier with him, and partly transported in the field kitchen. It could be spent only on the orders of the commander if it is not possible to give the soldier a normal meal.
The daily ration (Tagesration) was divided into two parts:
1- Foods served cold (Kaltverpflegung);
2- Hot meals (Zubereitet als Warmverpflegung).
The composition of the daily diet (Tagesration):
Name Quantity (gr.) Note
1-Cold products (Kaltverpflegung)
Bread 750
Sausage or cheese or canned fish 120
Sausage, regular or canned
Jam or artificial honey 200
Cigarettes
-or cigars 7pcs.2pcs.
Fat (lard margarine, butter) 60-80g.
Eggs, chocolate, fruits are additionally issued according to availability.
There are no rules set for them.
2-Hot meals
(Zubereitet als Warmverpflegung)
Potato 1000
-or fresh vegetables 250
-or canned vegetables 150
Pasta 125
- or cereals (rice, barley, buckwheat)125
Meat 250
Vegetable fat 70-90
Natural coffee beans 8
Surrogate coffee or tea 10
Seasonings (salt, pepper, spices) 15
The daily ration is issued to the soldier once a day in its entirety, usually in the evening after dark, when it becomes possible to send food carriers to the near rear to the field kitchen. Cold food is given to the soldier in his hands and he has the opportunity to put them in a bread bag. Hot food is given - coffee in a flask, cooked second course - potatoes (pasta, porridge) with meat and fat in a pot. The place of eating and the distribution of food for food during the day, the soldier determines independently.
The daily ration (Tagesration) at the front was superior in calories to the peacetime ration (Verpflegung im Frieden) and amounted to 4,500 kilocalories versus 3,600, but was simpler in composition. For example, it completely lacks sugar, milk, eggs, fish, cocoa. This does not mean that the soldier did not receive these products. He simply could not demand them, since they are not included in the diet. But obviously, as far as possible, various products not provided for by the norms were issued. But the diet includes tobacco products, which in peacetime the soldier was obliged to purchase at his own expense.
From our point of view, such a structure of nutrition in combat conditions is not very rational, since it burdens the soldier with concerns about preserving the received products during the night and day, distributing them to meals. This is difficult to do in the field, especially in winter or in inclement weather. In addition, these products attract insects and mice.
Yes, and absorbing a large amount of hot food in one go after a daily fast is hardly good for the stomach, especially when you consider that soups were not provided for hot food at the front. It is obvious that such problems of the gastrointestinal tract characteristic of German soldiers as chronic constipation, indigestion, gastritis and catarrhs are associated with this. This problem was so great that in the reserve army there were entire battalions where soldiers suffering from chronic stomach diseases were sent. Up to the point that in October 1942 they were reduced to the 165th reserve division stationed in France. Later, in July 1944, it was renamed the 70th Infantry, but it was never able to fight. Until November 1944, she stood in Holland, where she surrendered to the Allies.
From the author. Thus, it turns out that the wrong power scheme in the Wehrmacht practically destroyed an entire infantry division. It is curious that according to the German historian General Müller-Hillebrandt, the notorious terrible Russian frosts in the winter of 1941-42 killed only 2,777 soldiers and disabled another 74,121 people (who were then able to return to duty).
Wars are won not only by the personal heroism of fighters and effective equipment. Even the most severe "Rambo" with the most modern weapons will not last long without grub. But it still needs to be somehow found, prepared, delivered. Even now it is not always easy, but imagine what it was like for our ancestors at the time World War II? You don't need to imagine though. We'd better tell you about it briefly.
difference in approach
An extremely popular image in old war films: well-fed and contented German invaders attack the hungry and emaciated brave Soviet defenders. But in reality it was not quite so.
So, for starters, the Germans were not so well fed and satisfied. The fact is that the daily allowance of a Wehrmacht soldier was distributed in some strange way. Breakfast - only coffee and bread, dinner - coffee, bread and butter and some kind of filling for a sandwich. And only lunch is hot food, and the soup is as thin and empty as possible, but boiled potatoes in huge portions. With meat/preserves, of course. That is, winter, still a "victorious offensive", and soldiers must fight almost on an empty stomach. Oh yes, sweet tea was supposed to be a maximum of a couple of times a week, and so - coffee without sugar. Plus, there is no special variety from the menu - there are practically no fish and vegetables. So it is not surprising that formally well-fed and equipped, but in fact - hungry, the advancing army was actively looting.
The Soviet soldiers, however, had no better. Yes, the retreating army is a little easier, since the rear is close, the supply lines are still working, and the territory has not yet been “developed” (not plundered). Yes, and varied and quite sufficient for a comfortable existence. In fact, a soldier should have had 2 types of bread, various vegetables, canned fish and meat, milk, sugar, cigarettes. That's just before the fighters from this list, little came. Seriously, the moment that I personally will never understand - the retreating army, the situation at the front - bad, to put it mildly, how the invaders treat prisoners - everyone has already heard. But even in such a situation, supply officers and officers manage to steal, and in huge quantities. Well, in general, the food situation in the USSR at that time was not particularly good. However, civilians fared much worse than the military. But this is a topic for a separate article.
That is how it works. The half-starved soldiers of the advancing army, where the supplies worked like clockwork, keeping up with the offensive in time, attacked the half-starved soldiers of the retreating army, where the supplies scurried in the forefront, actively abusing their position. And both sides actively exploited the surrounding territories. And when the Soviet army went on the offensive, things got even worse. The rear simply did not have time to catch up behind the front, and the local population had practically nothing to "master". Yes, and the retreating troops actively adhered to the tactics of "scorched earth". However, it was not easy for the Germans either - the well-established supply mechanism "crumbled", entire divisions found themselves without food. Worst of all had to those who fell into the environment. Aviation food delivery is a pure lottery. The situation improved significantly as the hostilities moved to the territory of Europe - here the Soviet troops launched the development of "local territory" to the fullest. And, frankly, they did it much more decently than the Wehrmacht. Of course, it could not do without excesses, but what can you do.
Front 100 grams
An extremely interesting and controversial topic, to be honest. Back in 1940, during the Soviet-Finnish war, according to a request People's Commissar K. Voroshilov, soldiers operating on the first line of attack were given 100 grams of vodka in the winter. Moreover, tankers - 200 grams, and pilots - 100 grams of cognac. During World War II these same 100 grams began to be issued from August 1941, and only to the soldiers of the first line of defense, pilots and the technical staff of airfields. But then this rule was cut. Now vodka was given out only to those who conducted offensive operations, moreover, immediately before the battle.
When the situation at the front began to improve, the norms were again increased, extending them to all front-line fighters, as well as construction battalions, the wounded and the rear. But already during the onset of the offensive, the norms were again corrected. "People's Commissar's 100 grams" again began to be issued only to those who conducted offensive operations, and even then, at the discretion of the command staff.
Do I need to clarify that just before the fight, the notorious 100 grams were consumed only by those who, with what they will have to face? Experienced fighters preferred to either give up what they were supposed to, or exchange it for food, or wait for a steady respite and only then use it. Mostly beginners drank, in the hope that they would become dull. It was dulled, but it did not add to the adequacy of behavior.
Tankers were not supposed to drink at all. Moreover, even smoking in the tank was forbidden, since an accidental spark could ignite a supply of fuel and lubricants, or oil vapors from a running diesel engine. The pilots also very soon stopped pouring immediately before departure. As for the classic "100 grams for shot down", it was not a mass practice. This kind of "reward" came exclusively from the commanders in a private, so to speak, manner.
dry rations
Ever since the First World War, it has become clear that mobile is, of course, good, but they do not always keep up with the movements of the army. And the soldiers have to starve. And to avoid this, you need to carry a supply of food for an emergency. This concept dry rations began to actively develop and adapt to the current army needs. The result is something called iron ration“because it consisted mainly of canned food and what could be stored for a long time.
The German soldiers were fine with this. Each fighter had with him reduced emergency ration"- 1 can of canned food and 1 pack of crackers. But it could only be eaten by order of the commander. In addition, 2 complete rations were stored in the field kitchen, where there were crackers, ground coffee, canned meat and soup concentrate. That is, somehow it was possible to live.
Allies, especially Americans, dry rations there were no problems at all - even then the foundations of what is now known as . But then it was called #". Even then, these rations were varied in terms of content and very reliable in terms of safety. And the taste was nothing, well, except for some factors, about which a little later. The picture above is just an example of a typical American dry soldering.
But in the Soviet army with dry rations there was trouble. No, formally they were. Moreover, in the same one, it was supposed for each pilot to carry with him 3 cans of canned food and condensed milk, chocolate / cookies, sugar and bread in a decent amount. But ... But in practice, any received dry ration immediately eaten, even despite the orders of the command.
Chocolate
In conditions of increased load, fast carbohydrates allow you to compensate for increased energy costs. But the approach to how to deliver such carbohydrates inside a fighter was different for all the belligerents of the country.
In the USSR, they didn’t bother with the question - sweet tea, compote, jelly, sweet cookies, if possible - dried fruits. Not very efficient, but reliable and there was almost always a supply.
In Germany, everything was much more interesting. Along with the usual dark chocolate, which was included in the standard military ration and in some versions of the extended rations, there was also a special chocolate. Two species are of particular interest. The first is Sho-ka-Cola, regular chocolate heavily enriched with caffeine. And given that Wehrmacht soldiers were supposed to drink coffee not sweet, then such chocolate was very popular. And the second one is the so-called "tanker's chocolate". Plain chocolate with a high dose of pervitin or methamphetamine. For even more energy and increased concentration. But, as we well remember, methamphetamine is a synthetic drug that can be addictive. Yes, and otkhodnyaki are unpleasant. In short, the German tankers had a fun life. And no, we do not claim that only drug addicts served in the Panzerwaffe. These episodes just happen.
As for the USA, everything was also quite interesting there. Hershe's company was commissioned to develop a special chocolate that would have a high energy value, be light and tolerate heat well. As for the taste, it was supposed to be "slightly tastier than boiled potatoes." That is, chocolate was not originally planned as a reward and just a tasty thing, but only as a reserve of increased energy value in a standard army soldering. Well, in general, it did. But the taste turned out to be MUCH worse than planned, and the stomachs of the soldiers could hardly cope with the new type of chocolate. Flatulence, indigestion, diarrhea - that was what awaited those who did gobble up an extremely bitter tile. Moreover, it was even difficult to gnaw it. So the fighters preferred to throw out this “reserve”.
Emblems
Among history buffs, “battles” are still periodically conducted on the topic of how the classic German canned food looked like World War II. Moreover, they are also carried out for a practical purpose - some unscrupulous individuals rivet "real canned food from the Wehrmacht" and sell it to unsuspecting collectors. Fortunately, these things look impressive. Well, as in the picture above. But in fact, it was not quite like that.
There was never an imperial eagle on German preserves. And they were almost never decorated with paper labels. And why is it necessary? During shipment, the paper can be easily torn or damaged, and even dirty. Plus, then it was very popular to store canned food "in oil". All the necessary information was stamped on the metal cover. The contents, manufacturer's number, date and weight were indicated. Also, sometimes they put the mark "WEHRM", which showed that this batch was made by order of the military.
Also, in addition to the military order, canned civilian production could get to the front. And now they could look like anything, including with colorful labels. But this is more of a rarity than a rule.
As everyone knows, during the Great Patriotic War, Stalin drove millions of people to the slaughterhouse. That is how he won the war. But what is strange (and what few of the anti-Stalinists probably know about, however, they are like children ...), Stalin, it turns out, paid the wages of the Red Army fighters! It would seem, why does cannon fodder need a salary? It turns out that they were paid, and even in the most difficult conditions, Sberbank employees went to the front line, risking their lives, under enemy fire, for the sake of MONEY SECURITY OF THE RED ARMY FIGHTERS!
Reading:
“The combat situation forced financial and banking workers to find extraordinary ways to solve issues of monetary support for the troops. For example, from February 1943 (when an amphibious group of Soviet sailors landed on the Myskhako Peninsula, which forms the western coast of the Novorossiysk (Tsemess) Bay) and until September 1943 (when Novorossiysk was cleared of the enemy by a combined assault of our troops from land and from the sea ) field offices also performed their work on this "patch" of liberated land. Usually, one or two employees of field cash desks were sent on boats, who, under enemy fire, often reached the location of Soviet troops in a storm and, for one or two weeks, monthly provided monetary support to the troops.
Well, why, it would seem, the paratroopers on the bridgehead need a salary, what to spend it on? Why, risking their lives, did bank employees deliver salaries to the fighters? But no, that's how it is!
Doesn't look like cannon fodder, does it?
And on human material driven to death, too, don't you think?
The state was simply fulfilling its obligations towards its citizens. Only!
Despite any difficulties!
Despite the terrible drama of the Great War.
“Often together with military formations and units in 1941-1942. field banks were also surrounded. So, the field cash desk of the State Bank No. 187 in the first half of December 1942, together with the serviced compound, was in an enemy encirclement near the town of Bely. Our command was tasked with breaking through the enemy ring. To solve it, all personnel, including the field cash desk, took an active part in the hostilities. The cashier of the field cash desk, Lieutenant Filikovskiy, was sent to reconnaissance. Cash and other valuables were accepted by the head of the field cash desk, Senior Lieutenant Ivanov. When the enemy was at a distance of 200 m, the command was given to attack and break out of the encirclement. Lieutenant Filikovsky had returned by this time and was with the chief and accountant of the cash desk. All personnel rushed to the attack. Valuables were carried by the head of the cash desk Ivanov, the documents were accountant Lieutenant Litasov. The fight was fierce. The entire personnel of the field cash desk managed to get out of the encirclement and completely save valuables and documents. For the courage shown in this battle, the head of the field cash desk of the State Bank, Senior Lieutenant Ivanov, was awarded the medal "For Military Merit", and later, in 1944, the Order of the Red Star.
(N. A. Chernikov, V. Yu. Baibikov, “In the Name of Victory”, “Money and Credit” 5/2010)
The soldiers of the Red Army, in the presence of EXCESSIVE FUNDS, could freely place them on deposits!
“The experience of the field network of the State Bank over the three years of the war showed that under the conditions of the offensive of the Soviet troops, the needs of military personnel for cash dropped sharply, and, consequently, the need for organizing their savings increased. It was a matter of honor for the employees of the field institutions to ensure the safety of the free funds of the military personnel participating in the offensive of the Red Army.
Moreover, the soldiers who fought abroad were paid salaries in foreign currency!
“In the institutions of the State Bank, which crossed the state border with the troops of the Red Army, the volume of cash transactions has significantly increased and all cash work has become more complicated. Cashiers had to deal with new currencies, with constant conversion of money at the rate from one currency to another. But even under these conditions, the field institutions of the State Bank managed to organize cash work clearly, without miscalculations and shortages.
The Department of Field Institutions and field offices of the State Bank of the USSR paid great attention to the issues of timely receipt and delivery of currency. The field network of the State Bank was supplied with cash in 12 currencies (including Soviet rubles).
(V. P. Zastavnyuk, D. S. Vakhrushev « Activities of field institutions of the State Bank during the Great Patriotic War »)
It is now possible to delay wages for two or three months or six months, and under Stalin day in and day out, even under enemy fire!
“For the period from June 23 to December 11, 1941, the total amount of state budget expenditures through the field offices of the State Bank amounted to 6,588.8 million rubles. Military units from the first days of the war began to make significant demands for cash. At first, all financial support was paid in cash, since the issuance of certificates for families was just beginning. In addition, massive payments of lump-sum benefits were made in connection with the entry of military personnel into the army in the field.
Maybe they only cared about the salaries of the fighters? Maybe the rest of the people were kept for cattle? It turns out, not at all!
“The coal industry of Kuzbass was given significant assistance with labor, equipment, materials, food, and the living conditions of workers were improved. Progressive wages were provided for workers who fulfilled and overfulfilled output standards. Three times - in July 1941, August 1942 and March 1943 - the wages of the miners were increased.
(Belousova G.E. “Kuzbass and Kuzbass people during the war years”)
Like this! In July 1941, the most critical time, the government finds funds to raise the wages of miners!
And in order to improve living conditions, too, by the way!
But what about in the active army, at the front? How much did they pay? It turns out that the salary depended on the category. There were also purely symbolic salaries.
On the one hand, wages were paid according to peacetime norms.
“In general, the minimum salary in the infantry (an ordinary shooter of the first year of service) was 8 and a half rubles a month - the amount is rather symbolic. For comparison: in 1941, a bottle of vodka cost 3 rubles 40 kopecks (during the war, the price increased to 11 rubles 40 kopecks). If the Red Army soldier managed to make a career and by the third year of service he became a foreman of the company, his salary increased significantly: immediately up to 150 rubles.
Overtimers received significantly more.
“The minimum salary in the infantry in the first category was 140 rubles, the maximum was 300. In artillery and tank troops, another 25 rubles were paid to this amount. The monetary allowance of the officers was much higher. Starting from 1939, the minimum salary of a platoon commander was 625 rubles, a company commander - 750, a battalion - 850, a regiment - 1,200, a division - 1,600, and a corps commander received 2,000 rubles at all. In addition to this, soldiers and officers were entitled to a number of other payments, such as lifting, camp and course money, territorial allowances, remuneration for parachuting and diving.
On the other hand, they paid more for the war.
“Already June 23, 1941 The financial department of the People's Commissariat of Defense issued extremely clear instructions to the troops in this regard. The salaries themselves remained the same, but the so-called field money. For fighters receiving less than 40 rubles a month, the increase was 100% of the official salary, from 40 to 75 rubles - 50% and more than 75 rubles - 25%. That is, the platoon commander at the front received only a quarter more than in peacetime - about 800 rubles came out.
It was not entirely clear according to what norms to pay monetary allowances to the people's militias, of which 12 divisions were formed only in Moscow and the region. this problem decided by July 10, 1941: according to the decision of the State Defense Committee No. 10, the militias continued to receive an average salary, as if they had remained in their previous jobs. In addition to this, they were entitled to "field" - from 20 to 75 rubles a month, depending on the position.
But that's not all. The partisans also received a salary! It turns out that the terrible Stalinist regime also did not consider them as cattle!
“Partisans found themselves in a similar situation, but with some reservations: the commander and commissar of the detachment should have received at least 750 rubles, the deputy commander - 600 rubles, the commander of a company, platoon or independently operating group - at least 500 rubles. The question involuntarily begs: what did the partisans do with Soviet rubles in the territories occupied by the Germans? The answer is simple - nothing: relatives in the rear received money for them by proxy. If there were none, then the partisans received the due amount after returning from the detachment.
(V. Saranov "Accounting Department of Victory")
And here is also interesting:
"June 27, 1941. issued a Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "on the procedure for assigning and paying benefits to the families of military personnel of ordinary and junior commanding staff in wartime", according to which families of conscripts were paid from 100 to 200 rubles. benefits. In addition, there were cash prizes for destroying equipment, for completing combat missions, and so on. For example, for the bombing of Berlin in August 1941, all participants received 2 thousand rubles each. Repairmen were awarded separately - from 5 rubles. for the current repair of the machine up to 200 rubles. for the average repair of artillery pieces, etc.”
That is, if a person was just called up, he, as a conscript, received quite a bit, 8.5 rubles. plus a 100% surcharge = 17 rubles (one and a half bottles of vodka). Directly at the front. BUT! The family received an allowance for him. And if circumstances allowed, part of the funds was transferred to him by transfers. And these transfers were issued by field cashiers. Plus payments for completing combat missions, destroying equipment ... In general, it could have turned out well. Knocked out a tank, get a bonus. And regardless of the situation - the cashiers will do their job.
It was not only honorable to fight well, but also profitable!
Well, what will they say to this, will the current "de-Stalinizers" dare to object?
There was such an ancient Roman orator Cato, who ended each speech with the words: “And I also think that Carthage should be destroyed!”
I will not get tired, I will never get tired, and I am ready to end each post with the words of S. Lopatnikov (remarkable words, by the way):
“For me today, the attitude towards Stalin is a criterion of intelligence and honesty: an anti-Stalinist is either an illiterate fool or a scoundrel. There is no third".
During the Second World War, millions of Soviet prisoners of war died in German concentration camps due to the fact that Nazi Germany pursued a policy of genocide towards them, as well as towards the entire Russian people. After the war, the Nazi executioners justified the brutal treatment of the Soviet people by the fact that the USSR did not sign the Geneva Convention on prisoners of war. Although no one prevented the Germans from observing its principles in relation to Soviet prisoners. Moreover, even now there are historians, including those in Russia, who cynically proclaim that it is not Hitler and his followers who were to blame for the death of our compatriots in the German camps, who starved to death, shot, deprived of medical care those who were captured, that is, actually denounced the Geneva Convention, and Stalin, who refused to sign it. In essence, these historians are repeating Goebbels' propaganda. The purpose of this book is to expose this old but tenacious lie and restore historical truth.
The following order of the People's Commissar of Defense on the norms of food supply for the Red Army was taken not from the archive, but from a collection of documents published by the TERRA publishing house. Therefore, the author does not claim that all the data given in it are true, but since the data given in general coincide with the data of the archival document, namely, Decree of the State Defense Committee of the USSR No. possible to refer to this text.
The level of nutrition, depending on the proximity to the front line, was different. Basically, this applies to bread, meat, fish, sugar, fats. If a soldier on the front line receives 150 g of meat, then only 120 g of meat is already in the rear of the brigade or division, and if the unit is located in the rear district and is not part of the active army, then the meat norm is half that on the front line.
In winter, more bread is given out than in summer, and the difference between the front and rear norms is quite significant - 150–200 g.
Soldiers and officers receive shag or tobacco only in the active army, in the rear it is not supposed to be at all.
Noteworthy is the hospital ration. It is clearly and much more diverse and above the norms even at the forefront. It is noteworthy that the hospital ration of the Wehrmacht was almost twice as low as the usual soldier's ration.
This shows the approach of senior management to the wounded. The Soviet command obviously believed that the wounded must be quickly returned to duty, or, in any case, improve his health with better nutrition. The Germans treated their wounded as if they were parasites.
Based on these figures, the question arises - is the commonplace assertion that Stalin did not give a damn about losses, and soldier's lives were worth nothing to him, is justified? If this were the case, then why waste scarce food on the wounded, if they can be put on the rations of the rear, or even completely halved?
But the fact that in the last weeks of the Stalingrad cauldron, Field Marshal Paulus ordered not to give out food for his wounded at all - this is a fact repeatedly confirmed by German sources.
Here are the food norms for Red Army soldiers (the main norm for the Ground Forces), which existed before the start of the war (from NPO order No. 208-41) and according to which they were fed until September 1941:
In September, when it became unequivocally clear that this war would last for a long time, the country lost regions that were extremely important in terms of food, and in order not to plunge the population and the army into starvation, food standards were revised.
Order of NPO USSR No. 312
ON THE INTRODUCTION OF NEW STANDARDS FOR THE FOOD SUPPLY OF THE RED ARMY
Pursuant to the decision of the State Defense Committee of September 12 p. to introduce from September 20, 1941 new food norms for the daily allowance of the personnel of the Red Army in the following categories:
1. The first category is the norms in accordance with Appendix No. 1. According to these norms, the Red Army men and the commanding staff of the combat units of the army in the field are satisfied, with the exception of military personnel who are content according to the norms of flight rations and the norms of the technical composition of the Red Army Air Force units.
2. For the flight crew of the Red Army Air Force:
According to these standards, the combat crew of the aircraft crews of the army in the field should be satisfied.
The third category is the norms in accordance with Appendix No. 7. According to these norms, the combat crew of aircraft crews, according to a specially announced list of positions, and the flight technical staff, who are in the barracks, are satisfied.
3. Cadets of all military schools of the land and air forces of the Red Army, ordinary and junior commanders of the airborne troops to be content according to the standards in accordance with Appendix No. 9.
On the days of training flights, cadets of flight schools should receive additional allowances according to the norms specified in Appendix No. 8.
4. Red Army soldiers, junior commanders and commanding staff who are being treated and tested in military hospitals and military hospitals, to be satisfied according to the norms in accordance with Appendix No. 10.
5. Servicemen who are being treated in military sanatoriums, in rest homes and in the central military hospital of the NPO, are to be satisfied according to the norms in accordance with Appendix No. 11.
6. Establish the rate of dry rations for the troops of the active army and for units that are not part of the active army, in accordance with Appendix No. 12. Use dry rations as a combat reserve and use it instead of the prescribed ration in cases where it is impossible to feed the troops with hot food.
7. Personnel of all military units that are not part of the active army, rear units of the active army and all military schools to be satisfied once a week according to the norms in accordance with appendices Nos. 13 and 14. These allowances do not apply to the flight technical staff of the Air Force.
8. To the middle and higher commanding staff of the active army, except for the flight and technical, receiving flight rations, release free rations according to norms Nos. 1 and 2, with the addition per day per person:
butter or lard - 40 g,
cookies - 20 g,
canned fish - 50 g,
cigarettes - 25 pieces or tobacco - 25 g
and matches per month 10 boxes.
From the author. This is exactly the same famous "officer's extra ration" that today's "democratic" historians love to reproach the Soviet leadership with. Like, how is it, in a workers' and peasants' state, where the equality of all is proclaimed, such inequality in nutrition. Like, officers and bacon, and butter, and good cigarettes, and canned fish, but ordinary Red Army soldiers are not supposed to have these goodies.
And why, then, does no one object to substantially better nutrition for pilots, submariners, and the wounded?
Is it because the difference in nutrition is due to the fact that different categories of military personnel have different duties and different loads? It is no secret that the level of nutrition affects mental abilities. So what is more important - the seeming justice from equality in nutrition, or is the officer’s nutrition a little better so that he can think better and run more actively through the trenches, controlling the battle?
A soldier that - came to the place, dug a trench and sleep, waiting for the enemy. And the commander at this time needs to check everything and everything, organize a future battle, take care of cartridges and other means. The soldiers are already dreaming for the third time, but the commander did not lie down even for a minute.
And even then to say, this difference in nutrition is great.
So, would it be worth abolishing the additional 25 grams of fat for the fighters in the North (point 10), since we are all equal, which means we should eat the same? And in the deep rear and in the advanced trenches, too, feed the same? And the scouts, who crawl behind enemy lines for several days, should not be given anything additional?
9. Establish a food supply for one person on front-line aircraft and on operating rear-line aircraft in case of accidents and forced landings:
condensed milk - 3 cans
canned meat - 3 cans
biscuit "Cracker" - 800 grams
chocolate - 300 gr
sugar - 400 gr
or instead of chocolate cookies - 800 gr
10. For the months of December-February, the personnel of the troops of the first line of the Karelian Front shall be given 25 g per day per person in addition to the ration of lard.
11. Personnel of military units located in areas unfavorable for scurvy diseases should be given one person-dose of vitamin C per day per person.
12. Approve the table of substitutions of food products and grain fodder in accordance with Appendix No. 15.
13. Military personnel departing on all types of vacations should not be given food in kind for the entire period of vacation. Instead of food rations, to issue monetary compensation at the established cost of the ration. When sending a serviceman for a vacation to a sanatorium and rest homes on free vouchers, monetary compensation is not issued.
14. The military councils of the fronts, armies and military districts oblige the commanders of the units to take under their direct supervision the organization of food in the troops, to establish such a regime in nutrition so that the Red Army soldier receives everything that is required according to the norms completely and in a well-prepared form.
15. Holiday of bread according to the norms for winter time in
16. Order of the NCO No. 208 of 1941 and annexes to it Nos. 1–8 should be canceled.
17. Send the order to the fronts, individual armies and districts by telegraph.
APPENDICES: No. 1-15
People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR I. STALIN
Application No. 1
AND THE COMMANDING STRUCTURE OF THE BATTLE UNITS
OF THE ARMY
Application No. 2
RATES OF THE DAILY MAINTENANCE OF THE RED ARMY
AND THE COMMANDING STRUCTURE OF THE LOGO OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
(REAR FRONT, ARMIES, DIVISIONS, BRIGADS)
Application No. 3
RATES OF THE DAILY MAINTENANCE OF THE RED ARMY
CONSTRUCTION AND SPARE PARTS,
NOT PART OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
Application No. 4
RATES OF THE DAILY MAINTENANCE OF THE RED ARMY
GUARD UNITS AND LOGO INSTITUTIONS,
NOT PART OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
Application No. 5
DAILY RATES (WITH A HOT BREAKFAST)
COMBAT CREW CREW
AIRCRAFT OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
Application No. 6
STANDARDS OF THE DAILY ALLOWANCE FOR FLIGHT TECHNICAL
COMPOSITION OF THE AIR FORCE OF THE ACTIVE ARMY FOR SPECIALLY
POSTS ANNOUNCED
Do not announce.
Application No. 7
NORMS OF THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF THE BATTLE CREW
CREW OF AIRCRAFT THAT ARE NOT INCLUDED
OF THE ACTIVE ARMY, AND THE AIR-TECHNICAL COMPOSITION,
LOCATED IN THE BARRACK POSITION
Application No. 8
NORMS OF ADDITIONAL ALLOWANCE FOR CADETS
FLIGHT SCHOOLS DURING TRAINING FLIGHTS
Do not announce.
Application No. 9
NORMS OF ALLOWANCE FOR CADETS OF ALL MILITARY SCHOOLS
LAND AND AIR FORCES OF THE RED ARMY,
PRIVATE AND JUNIOR MANAGEMENT STAFF OF THE AIRBOARDING FORCES
Do not announce.
Application No. 10
RATES OF DAILY AMOUNT
BY HOSPITAL RATION
Notes:
1. For convalescent soldiers and commanders of the Red Army, a daily bread allowance of 800 g per person is established, of which: rye bread - 400 g and wheat bread from flour of the 1st grade - 400 g.
2. The wounded and sick, admitted to hospitals from the army for treatment, are given 25 pieces of cigarettes of the 3rd grade per day per person and 3 boxes of matches per month or tobacco 15 g.
Annexes No. 11–15 shall not be announced.
Of course, these norms did not remain unchanged until the end of the war. They have changed several times, added, remaining generally close to the above. It is impossible to track the entire dynamics of changes in nutritional standards during the war years, and it does not make sense.
Here are just a few more interesting documents related to nutritional standards.
Order of NPO USSR No. 0384
AT THE FRONT
I order:
Sugar -15 grams
Sala-shpig - 25 - "-
Bread - 100 - "-
Vodka - 100 - "-
People's Commissar of Defense
Marshal of the Soviet Union I. STALIN
Order of NPO USSR No. 49
ON ESTABLISHING THE RATE AND PROCEDURE FOR ISSUE
ON-BOARD SOLDERING FOR AIRCRAFT CREW
LONG RANGE AVIATION,
ON LONG NIGHT FLIGHTS
Establish for the crews of long-range aviation aircraft making long night flights the following additional meals for 1 person:
and in these cases, replace half of the black bread, which is required according to the norm No. 5 of order NK01941 No. 312, with wheat flour of the 2nd grade.
Deputy People's Commissar of Defense
A. Khrulev.
The story about the food of the Red Army at the front would be incomplete, if not to mention the famous "People's Commissar's 100 grams." Of course, this is somewhat out of context of the book, but still.
Vodka is present in today's memories of veterans of the Great Patriotic War (especially fake veterans). Writers who work in the field of military topics relish write about front-line vodka, commanders love to treat distinguished soldiers to it in feature films. For pseudo-historians who denigrate both our army and our war, vodka is an excellent opportunity to colorfully paint stories about drunken Red Army soldiers going on the attack, mocking cute German women.
Some blame vodka, and at the same time Stalin, that, accustomed to daily drinking at the front, the soldiers, returning home, became drunkards, became alcoholics, lost their human appearance.
Yes, and true front-line soldiers about the people's commissar hundred grams tell the most different things. There is no unity in their memories. Some of them prove that they never even smelled vodka at the front, while others brag about the liters they drink.
And how was it really? In order not to argue and not to prove that it was all the same or quite the opposite, I will cite several documents from the war period. Basically, these are original documents of 1941-1942. For 1943-1945, there are few documents on this subject, mostly minor clarifications on the type of issuance of vodka to scouts.
It is possible that the GKO decree of November 1942 was in effect without significant changes until the end of the war. Perhaps there were later decisions. But whatever it is, read what is there and draw your own conclusions.
ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VODKA TO THE SUPPLY
IN THE OPERATING RED ARMY
Establish, starting from September 1, 1941, the issuance of vodka 40 degrees in the amount of 100 g per day per person (Red Army soldier) and the commanding staff of the front line troops of the army.
Chairman of the GKO I. Stalin
I just want to draw the reader's attention to the fact that the people's commissar of defense has nothing to do with it, this is the decision of the State Defense Committee that vodka was issued only in the army and only to those who are at the forefront. In the rear districts one could only dream of vodka.
And where did the famous expression "people's commissar's one hundred grams" come from? And why precisely "commissar"?
Perhaps because the army was usually more familiar with the orders of the People's Commissar of Defense than with the decisions of the GKO.
Following the Decree of the GKO, an NPO order comes out, which was probably brought to the attention of the personnel:
Order of NPO USSR
ON THE ISSUANCE OF THE FRONT LINE TO THE MILITARY
OF THE OPERATING ARMY OF VODKA AT 100 GRAMS A DAY
In pursuance of the decision of the State Defense Committee of August 22, 1941 No. 562ss, I order:
1. From September 1, 1941, to issue 40 ° vodka in the amount of 100 grams per person per day to the Red Army and the commanding staff of the front line of the army in the field. The flight crew of the Red Army Air Force, performing combat missions, and the engineering and technical staff serving the field airfields of the army in the field, should be given vodka on a par with the front line units.
2. Military councils of fronts and armies:
a) organize the issuance of vodka only for those contingents that are determined by the decision of the State Defense Committee, and strictly control its exact implementation:
b) ensure the timely delivery of vodka to the front lines of the active troops and organize reliable protection of its stocks in the field;
c) at the expense of the economic apparatus of the units and subdivisions, to allocate special persons, who will be responsible for the correct distribution of vodka portions, accounting for the consumption of vodka and maintaining income and expenditure records;
d) order the front-line quartermasters to submit once a ten day to the Main Quartermaster Directorate information on the balance and monthly by the 25th day an application for the required amount of vodka.
The application shall be based on the exact number of active front line troops, approved by the military councils of the fronts and armies.
3. The need for vodka for the month of September is determined by the Chief Quartermaster of the Red Army without submitting applications by the fronts. The order to put into effect by telegraph.
In the spring of 1942, the procedure for issuing vodka changes. The order of the People's Commissar of Defense comes out, announcing a new decree of the State Defense Committee:
Order of NPO USSR
ON THE PROCEDURE FOR ISSUING VODKA TO THE TROOPS
OF THE ARMY
1. I declare for the exact and steady implementation of the Decree of the State Defense Committee No. GOKO-1727s dated May 11, 1942 "" (in the appendix).
2. I entrust the military councils of fronts and armies, commanders of formations and units with responsibility for the correct appointment and distribution of vodka for the allowance of military personnel in accordance with the announced Decree of the State Defense Committee.
3. Order and Resolution of the GOKO to be put into effect by telegraph.
4. Order NCO No. 0320 of 1941 to cancel.
lieutenant general of the quartermaster service
Appendix:
Secret
Decree of the State
Defense Committee
No. GOKO 1727s
ON THE PROCEDURE FOR THE ISSUANCE OF VODKA TO THE TROOPS OF THE SERVICE ARMY
3. To all other military personnel of the front line, issue 100 g of vodka per person on the following revolutionary and national holidays: November 7-8, December 5, January 1, February 23, May 1-2, July 19 (national day of the athlete), August 16 (Aviation Day), September 6 (International Youth Day), as well as on the day of the regimental holiday (unit formation).
I. Stalin
Note that now vodka is only at the forefront, and only to those who achieved success that day, that is, attacked and not in vain. Everyone else only on holidays. In units located outside the rear of the front, only seagulls.
GKO Decree No. 1889
1. To stop from May 15, 1942, the mass daily distribution of vodka to the personnel of the troops of the army in the field.
3. To all other military personnel of the front line, the issuance of 100 g of vodka should be made on revolutionary and national holidays.
I. Stalin
That's it. For 200 a day, Stalin considered it too much, and now vodka is only on the offensive.
Following is the order of the People's Commissar of Defense on this matter:
Order of NPO USSR
ON THE ORDER OF STORAGE AND ISSUANCE OF VODKA TO THE TROOPS OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
Despite repeated instructions and categorical demands on the issuance of vodka in the army strictly for its intended purpose and in accordance with established standards, cases of illegal issuance of vodka still do not stop.
Vodka is issued to headquarters, commanders and units that do not have the right to receive it. Some commanders of units and formations and commanders of headquarters and departments, taking advantage of their official position, take vodka from warehouses, regardless of orders and established procedures. Control over the consumption of vodka by the military councils of the fronts and armies is poorly established. Accounting for vodka in units and warehouses is in an unsatisfactory state.
In accordance with the decision of the State Defense Committee of June 6, No. GOKO-1889s, I order:
1. The issuance of 100 grams of vodka per person per day should be made to servicemen only of those units of the front line that are conducting offensive operations.
2. To all other military personnel of the front line, the issuance of vodka in the amount of 100 grams per person should be made on the following revolutionary and public holidays: on the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution - November 7 and 8, on Constitution Day - December 5, on New Year's Day - January 1 , on the day of the Red Army - February 23, on the days of the International Workers' Day - May 1 and 2, on the All-Union Athlete's Day - July 19, on the All-Union Aviation Day - August 16, and also on the day of the regimental holiday (formation of the unit).
3. The release of vodka to armies and formations should be made only with the permission of the chief of logistics of the Red Army on the instructions of the General Staff of the Red Army, on the proposals of the military councils of the fronts and armies.
4. For the storage of vodka, organize special storage facilities at front-line and army food warehouses. Appoint a store manager and one storekeeper from among specially selected honest, verified persons who can ensure the complete safety of vodka. Seal storage facilities after receiving and discharging operations, put guards. Strictly verified persons should be assigned to the guard.
5. To the heads of the food supply departments of the fronts and the heads of the food supply departments of the armies, all the available vodka in the troops and in warehouses as of June 15 should be strictly accounted for and immediately transferred for storage to the corresponding front and army warehouses.
6. Registration of the release of vodka is carried out by the head of the Main Directorate of Food Supply of the Red Army through the heads of departments and departments of the food supply of the fronts and armies on the basis of instructions from the head of the rear of the Red Army on the timing of the issuance and the strength of the formations that are allowed to issue vodka.
7. I entrust the military councils of fronts and armies, commanders and military commissars with responsibility for the correct storage, expenditure and accounting of vodka, vodka dishes and containers.
8. The order to put into effect by telegraph.
9. The order of the NCO of 1942 No. 0373 is canceled.
Deputy People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR
lieutenant general of the quartermaster service
Khrulev
In November 1942, the procedure for issuing vodka changed again. First, a GKO decree is issued, and then a new order of the People's Commissar of Defense.
GKO Decree No. 2507
a) 100 g per person per day: units engaged in direct combat operations and located in the trenches at the forefront; intelligence units; artillery and mortar units attached to and supporting infantry and located in firing positions; combat aircraft crews in the performance of their combat mission;
b) 50 g per person per day: for regimental and divisional reserves; subdivisions and units of combat support performing work at the forefront; units performing responsible tasks in special cases, and the wounded, who are in the institutions of the field medical service, as directed by doctors.
2. To all other military personnel of the active army, the issuance of vodka in the amount of 100 g per person per day should be made on the days of revolutionary and national holidays specified by GKO Decree No. 1889 of June 6, 1942.
3. On the Transcaucasian front, instead of 100 g of vodka, issue 200 g of fortified wine or 300 g of table wine.
4. The military councils of the fronts and armies set monthly limits for the issuance of vodka.
I. Stalin
Order of NPO USSR
ON THE ISSUANCE OF VODKA TO THE MILITARY UNITS
1. In accordance with the resolution of the State Defense Committee dated November 12, 1942 No. 2507s from November 25 with. d. to start issuing vodka to the military units of the army in the following order:
a) 100 grams per person per day: to subdivisions of units conducting direct combat operations and located in the trenches at the forefront; intelligence units; artillery and mortar units attached to and supporting infantry and located in firing positions; combat aircraft crews in the performance of their combat mission;
b) 50 grams per person per day: regimental and divisional reserves; subdivisions and units of combat support performing work at the forefront; units performing responsible tasks in special cases (construction and restoration of bridges, roads, etc. in especially difficult conditions and under enemy fire), and the wounded who are in the institutions of the field medical service, as directed by doctors.
2. To all military personnel of the active army, the issuance of vodka in the amount of 100 grams per person per day should be made on the days of revolutionary and public holidays specified by the GOKO resolution No. 1889 of June 6, 1942.
3. On the Transcaucasian front, instead of 100 grams of vodka, issue 200 grams of fortified wine or 300 grams of table wine; instead of 50 grams of vodka - 100 grams of fortified wine or 150 grams of table wine.
4. The military councils of the fronts and armies, by orders of the front, the army, set monthly limits for the issuance of vodka to armies - units and produce consumption within the limit set for each month.
5. In spending the monthly limit of vodka, the fronts must report to the Main Directorate of Food Supply of the Red Army in order to receive a limit for the next month. In case of failure to submit a report by the fronts and consumption of vodka by the 10th day of the past month, the chief of the Main Directorate of Food Supply of the Red Army for the next month should not ship vodka to the fronts that have not submitted a report.
6. Set a limit on the consumption of vodka for the fronts from November 25 to December 31, 1942 in accordance with the application.
7. Head of the Main Directorate of Food Supply of the Red Army, brig engineer comrade. Pavlov and the head of the Military Communications of the Red Army, Major General of the Technical Troops Comrade. Deliver vodka to Kovalev in the quantities provided for by the limit:
South-Western, Don and Stalingrad fronts - by November 16, the rest of the fronts - by November 20 this year. G.
8. To the head of the Main Directorate of Food Supply of the Red Army to establish constant control over the consumption of vodka in strict accordance with this order.
9. The military councils of the fronts and armies to organize the return of empty containers of vodka to vodka factories and bottling stations of the People's Commissariat of Food Industry attached to the fronts. Military units that have not returned the container should not release vodka.
10. The order to put into effect by telegraph.
Deputy People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR
lieutenant general of the quartermaster service
Khrulev
APPENDIX
Order of NPO USSR
WITH THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF REGULATIONS AND PROCEDURE FOR THE DISSUE OF VODKA
TO THE TECHNICAL COMPOSITION OF THE AIR FORCE PARTS OF THE ACTIVE ARMY
In addition to the order of the NCO of 1942 No. 0883 with the announcement of the norms and procedure for issuing vodka to the personnel of units of the army in the field, I order:
1. In units of the Air Force of the active army and in units of the Air Force based on the territory of military districts, but equated by orders of non-commercial organizations with units of the active army, 50 grams of vodka per day per person and technical staff should be dispensed only on the days of sorties for combat missions of aircraft directly serviced them at the airports.
2. The procedure for issuing vodka is established according to a personal list compiled by the command of the air unit, approved by the commander of the air division.
3. Order to announce by telegraph.
Deputy People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR
colonel-general of the quartermaster service
Khrulev
Order of NPO USSR
ON THE PROCEDURE FOR THE ISSUANCE OF VODKA TO THE TROOPS OF THE SERVICE ARMY
In pursuance of the Decree of the State Defense Committee No. GOKO-3272s dated April 30, 1943
I order:
1. To stop from May 3, 1943, the mass daily distribution of vodka to the personnel of the troops of the army in the field.
2. The issuance of vodka at a rate of 100 grams per person per day should be made to servicemen only of those units of the front line that conduct offensive operations, and the military councils of the fronts and individual armies are responsible for determining which armies and formations to issue vodka.
3. To all other military personnel of the active army, the issuance of vodka in the amount of 100 grams per person per day should be made on the days of revolutionary and public holidays specified in the Decree of the GOKO No. 1889, paragraph 3 of June 6, 1942.
Deputy People's
Commissar of Defense of the USSR
colonel general
quartermaster service
Khrulev
Order of NPO USSR No. 0384
ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ADDITIONAL STANDARD
MAINTENANCE OF MILITARY INTELLIGENCE UNITS
AT THE FRONT
Taking into account a number of petitions from the military councils of the fronts and the request of the head of the Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Red Army, Lieutenant General Kuznetsov F.F. G.
I order:
Military intelligence units at the front should be satisfied not according to norm No. 9, as indicated in the order, but according to norm No. 1, with the issuance in addition to norm No. 1:
Sugar - 15 grams
Sala-shpig - 25-»-
Bread - 100-»-
Vodka - 100 - "-
Vodka is issued only on the days of combat missions.
People's Commissar of Defense
Marshal of the Soviet Union I. Stalin
That's it. It doesn't hurt to walk around. It seems that there is no reason to blame front-line vodka for the fact that men drank themselves after the war. Under such and such conditions, you will not forget the taste of vodka for the war. And it doesn’t look like the fighters were drunk before the attack. And where else can you get vodka in the war? There are no shops at the front. The local population has nothing to eat, but will they transfer products for moonshine?
But all this food and vodka while a fighter is in the ranks and is fighting. Everything in his life, including food, changes dramatically when he is captured. This is not the subject of this book, who, how and under what circumstances was captured. They were too different for different categories of military personnel. For example, a pilot shot down and escaping on a parachute is captured. If he is given a parachute and the right to save his life in this way is left to him, then being captured can hardly be considered shameful. The same can be said about sailors escaping on boats from a sinking ship.
With land soldiers, the situation is more complicated. Of course, nothing bad can be said about those who were taken prisoner due to their helpless state, that is, the wounded, unconscious sick or captured in the hospital. Or he shot all the cartridges and found himself helpless in front of the enemy.
But about those who simply threw down the rifle and raised their hands, it is difficult to say that their captivity is not a disgrace. It is especially difficult not to consider the captivity of officers and generals shameful. Whatever it was, but this is the result of their incompetence, inability to lead the battle and lead the soldiers.
Now that the picture of the nutrition of the soldiers of one and the other army is more or less clear, it is worth showing the nutritional norms of prisoners of war on both sides. Let us recall once again the requirements of the 1929 Geneva Convention on Prisoners of the Year, which Germany was unconditionally obliged to comply with, and which she ignored not only in relation to Soviet prisoners, but also in relation to prisoners from countries whose participation in the convention was in no way and by no one (including Germany ) was not disputed.
In the era of world wars and mass armies, the possibilities and specific ways of meeting the food needs of military personnel depend on the level of economic development, the type and type of the armed forces themselves, the theater and duration of hostilities, and many other factors. In a number of studies on the history of the Great Patriotic War, the organization of the food supply of the Red Army in 1941-1945. is considered mainly from the point of view of a more general problem of development of the rear of the Armed Forces1. As a rule, no attention is paid to the perception of the norms in force by the fighters and commanders of the Red Army, it is not shown “what and how a Soviet soldier happened to eat,” and in the publications of documents. According to the correct remark of A. Z. Lebedintsev, a participant in the war, “one gets the impression that Soviet soldiers are something like angels who don’t drink, don’t eat, and don’t go before the wind”2. Only in recent years, with the abolition of censorship restrictions, memoirs, diaries and letters of ordinary war veterans began to be widely published, containing descriptions of individual experience in solving the food problem, often significantly different from what is said in the works of military historians.
The Red Army entered the war, guided by the norms of daily allowance, approved by the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks N 1357 - 551ss of May 15, 1941 and the order of the NPO of the USSR N 208 of May 24, 1941. However, with the outbreak of war food opportunities. The USSR was drastically reduced. It was not possible to take out a significant part (more than 70%) of mobilization stocks from the western regions. In 1941 - 1942. The country has lost almost half of the cultivated area. Before the war, 84% of sugar and 38% of grain were produced in the occupied regions3. Most of the rural able-bodied male population and equipment was mobilized to the front. All this led to a reduction in yields. In 1942, the gross grain harvest amounted to only 38%, and in 1943 - 37% of the pre-war level. Only in 1944 did the restoration of agricultural production begin, but even in 1945 its gross output amounted to only 60%, and agricultural production - 57% of the total.
________________________________________
level 4. In addition, the number of citizens who were on the state food supply increased due to the introduction of the rationing system.
As a result, the old standards had to be cut. New norms for the food supply of the Red Army were established on September 12, 1941 (Decree of the State Defense Committee of the USSR N 662; put into effect on September 22 by order of the People's Commissar of Defense N 312)5. According to nutritional standards, it was planned to divide the Red Army military personnel into four categories. As before the war, the basis of the diet was bread, cereals and pasta, potatoes and vegetables, meat and fish, as well as tea, sugar, salt, spices and -; spices (tomato paste, pepper, bay leaf, vinegar, mustard). Additionally, certain categories of servicemen received butter, eggs and dairy products, canned food, cookies and fruits.
The norms of the daily allowance of the Red Army soldiers and the commanding staff of the combat units of the army included 800 g of rye wholemeal bread (in the cold season, from October to March - 900 g), 500 g of potatoes, 320 g of other vegetables (fresh or sauerkraut, carrots, beets, onions, greens), 170 g of cereals and pasta, 150 g of meat, 100 g of fish, 50 g of fat (30 g of combined fat and lard, 20 g of vegetable oil), 35 g of sugar. Soldiers who smoked were supposed to have 20 g of shag daily, monthly - 7 smoking books as paper and three boxes of matches. Compared to pre-war norms, only wheat bread, replaced by rye bread, disappeared from the main diet6.
The nutritional rations for other categories of servicemen have been reduced. In the rear of the active army, the Red Army soldiers and the commanding staff began to receive less by 100 g of bread, by 30 g - cereals and pasta, by 30 g - meat, by 20 g - fish, by 5 g - fat, by 10 g - sugar7.
The middle and higher commanding staff were additionally allocated 40 g of butter or lard, 20 g of biscuits, 50 g of canned fish, 25 cigarettes or 25 g of tobacco per day and 10 boxes of matches per month. Taking into account the climatic and weather conditions, from December to February, the troops of the first line of the Karelian Front were given an additional 25 g of lard, and in areas unfavorable for scorbutic diseases, one dose of vitamin C. If it was impossible to organize the supply of troops with hot food, they were given dry ration 8.
An increased ration with an obligatory hot breakfast relied on the Air Force flight personnel, which was also divided into four categories. The daily allowance of combat crews of aircraft crews of the army has increased compared to pre-war norms - up to 800 g of bread (400 g of rye and 400 g of white), 190 g of cereals and pasta, 500 g of potatoes, 385 g of other vegetables, 390 g of meat and poultry, 90 g of fish, 80 g of sugar, as well as 200 g of fresh and 20 g of condensed milk, 20 g of cottage cheese, 10 g of sour cream, 0.5 eggs, 90 g of butter and 5 g of vegetable oil, 20 g of cheese, fruit extract and dried fruits ( for compote). The daily allowance of the technical staff of the Air Force units of the army, on the contrary, has decreased9. Aircraft were also supposed to keep a reserve in case of accidents and forced landings (3 cans of condensed milk, 3 cans of canned meat, 800 g of biscuits, 300 g of chocolate or 800 g of biscuits, 400 g of sugar per person)10.
For those undergoing treatment in hospitals and sanatoriums, special dietary norms were provided11.
In general, for the majority of the Red Army soldiers, with the exception of the Air Force, daily rations on the eve and during the Great Patriotic War were inferior in calories to the nutritional standards in the imperial army, when in rational
________________________________________
one soldier until 1917, the main role was played by meat and bread. For example, before the First World War, a soldier received 1 pound (410 g) daily, and with the outbreak of the war, 1.5 pounds (615 g) of meat. Only with the transition to a protracted war in 1915 did the meat ration decrease, and meat was replaced with corned beef12. At the same time, the desire for a more balanced diet, the presence in the daily ration of fresh vegetables, fish and spices that prevent scurvy can be considered an advantage of the food supply in the Red Army. The total energy value of the daily allowance of certain categories of soldiers of the Red Army varied from 2659 to 4712 calories (see table).
Nutritional value of the main food rations of the military personnel of the Red Army13
Type of ration Composition (grams) Calories (calories)
Proteins fats carbohydrates
Combat units 103 67 587 3450
Logistics of the active army 84 56 508 2954
Combat and spare parts that were not part of the active army 87 48 489 2822
Guard units and rear establishments 80 48 458 2659
Flight units of the active army 171 125 694 4712
Hospital 91 69 543 3243
Kursantskiy 101 70 562 3370
The established norms of allowance were not revised during the war, but were supplemented: non-smoking female soldiers were given 200 g of chocolate or 300 g of sweets per month instead of tobacco allowances (order dated August 12, 1942); then a similar norm was extended to all non-smoking servicemen (order dated November 13, 1942)14.
In reality, the approved nutritional standards could not always be met. Serious nutrition problems awaited recruits in training camps and spare parts. The memoirs of L. G. Andreev describe the path of a 19-year-old volunteer “to the front”, which began in August 1941 from the Tesnitsky camps 28 km from Tula: “The first days, when they still lived at home fatness, the portions seemed large. Soon hunger came, it did not leave us all the time we were in the camp.” The next stage was the camps near Noginsk. Significantly smaller than the Tesnitskys, they left an impression of greater order, and the author notes as the most significant fact that “they fed better.” After an 800-kilometer march, Andreev ended up in the barracks of Kazan for two months, where, according to him, a lot could be endured (cold, fatigue), “if we were fed.” The food reminded me of the Tesnitsky camps: “the same spoonful of the second and a bad first for lunch, one thing for breakfast, a spoonful of the second for dinner, then, however, it disappeared. They also invented such a thing: if the soup is cooked with meat, then on that day they give out 50 g less bread ... And such food - with a colossal load, with almost complete absence of rest! We were depleted steadily and catastrophically. When changing the position of the body, the head was spinning, more and more tired in the classroom. When they took the oath, one fainted from exhaustion”15.
Half-starved existence was the norm in many military schools. Painful memories of the conditions of being in a military school
________________________________________
L. Rabichev kept it in Birsk in November 1941 - December 1942: “Officers of all ranks of the school repeatedly repeated Suvorov's famous catchphrase: “It is hard in teaching - it is easy in battle!” Breakfast, apparently, was included in the concept of teaching. The foreman allocated five minutes for breakfast. Two cadets cut several loaves of black bread into slices. They were in a hurry, and the slices were thick for some, thin for others, it was a lottery, there was no time to argue and object. There was already a soup made of half-rotten sprats on the table, the sprats had to be swallowed with the bones. For the second, everyone received millet porridge”16.
However, not only the cadets were poorly fed, but also the commanding staff, who were in the reserve. A check of the nutrition of political workers who were in the reserve of the Main Political Directorate of the Red Army at the Military-Political School named after M.V. Frunze showed that it was "organized very badly." The canteen of the voentorg “was a run-down tavern full of rubbish and dirt. The quality of the prepared food is low.” There were only 44 plates for more than two thousand people who ate, as a result “incredibly large queues were created in which political workers stood idle for many hours every day, receiving breakfast at 15-16, lunch at 4-5 in the morning, and there was no time left for dinner. All this led to the disorganization of the internal order in the reserve and the disruption of the training sessions of political workers”17.
Talk about the day when it will be possible to “get to the front at any cost” was massively distributed among people who constantly lived from hand to mouth. A significant part of the cadets and "reserves" wrote reports about early dispatch to the front. Many fighters who were in training camps relentlessly thought about the same: “I was drawn to the front - I believed that he would change his life, and for some reason it seemed that he would return home”18. It seemed that physical suffering and exhaustion must have some meaning. And the only meaning was the salvation of the Motherland.
The notion that food was better at the front than at the rear is confirmed by a considerable amount of evidence. For the most part, servicemen from the active army reported home good and even excellent food, hearty, full meals. “We eat and drink as if we were not at the front, but at home,” wrote artilleryman M. Z. Levert in September 194119. The main “key” to this optimistic position, prevailing in almost any period of the war, lies in the desire of the front-line soldiers to reassure their relatives about their situation. In this line of behavior, the general unpretentiousness, which was entrenched in the behavior of Soviet people even in peacetime, was also manifested. Due to their unpretentiousness, the habit of "tightening their belts" and in less harsh conditions, the military, for the most part, readily considered the military ration (especially when it met the established standards) as sufficient and satisfactory.
Military personnel allowed themselves to speak frankly about food problems in special circumstances, for example, when they sent a letter with an opportunity or with a parcel. “This letter will not pass through the slingshots of censorship, as I am sending it in a parcel. You can be honest about something, - A.P. Popovichenko wrote to his wife. - They feed us badly, three times a day around, running, water and buckwheat, liquid soup, and tea, bread 650 gr. I feel a breakdown, but it's not just me alone, but all of us, both commanders and fighters. The fighters, of course, openly talk about dissatisfaction with such food. They also resorted to the help of their native language. For example, signalman P.T. Kemaykin wrote to his parents in Mordovia in the Moksha language that he often had to “stay hungry”21.
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But even at the front, the conditions and forms of bringing rations to the soldier were often far from the established norms. An inspection of the organization of food in units and formations of the North Caucasian Front at the end of June 1942 showed that “food is prepared monotonously, mainly from food concentrates. There are no vegetables in parts if they are in the front warehouse.” In the 102nd separate engineering and construction battalion, food was distributed directly to the fighters, and each cooked for himself "in bowlers, cans of canned food, and even in steel helmets." In some parts, “due to negligence in the timely delivery of food, as well as due to incorrect orders from officers of the command staff,” the Red Army did not receive food at all. The commander of the 105th Infantry Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Ivakin, “ordered two bulls received for slaughter for meat to be used in. buckle and do not score. The fighters did not receive meat that day, and no fish was given to replace it”23.
At the end of 1942, a power check was carried out in the 8th Guards Rifle Division. Major General I.V. Panfilov. In the order of the Deputy People's Commissar of Defense, Colonel-General of the Quartermaster Service A. V. Khrulev, issued following the results of the check, it was noted: “Food is cooked poorly. Its taste and calorie content are very low, the cooks are poorly trained, and work with them is not organized. The kitchens are unsanitary and unequipped. Kitchen utensils are sorely lacking, and what is available is kept dirty.” For October-December 1942, the nutritional value per day per soldier ranged from 1800 to 3300 calories: “Due to the negligence and lack of control of the army apparatus, the division systematically received less food.” In October, 2.1% of meat, 63% of fat, 46% of vegetables, 4% of sugar, 2.5% of salt, 26.8% of tobacco were not received. In November - 20.3% meat, 52.4% fat, 8.7% cereals, 42.6% vegetables, 29% tobacco, 23.5% sugar, 3.7% salt. In December, the 30th Guards Rifle Regiment did not receive 6.1 daily rations of bread, 17 of meat, 20 of fat, 19 of flour, 2.5 of sugar, 29 of vegetables, and 11 of shag. The same was observed in other parts of the division, although at the front warehouse and the army base "there was a sufficient amount of products of all assortments, which made it possible to uninterruptedly supply food to all formations of the front." The soldiers of the 238th, 262nd rifle divisions of the Kalinin Front during the march for 3-5 days received 200-250 g of crackers per day. The soldiers of the 32nd and 306th rifle divisions and the 48th mechanized brigade did not even receive bread for five days. As a result of acute starvation, many soldiers developed various diseases, and in the 279th Rifle Division in November 25 people died due to malnutrition24.
“Actually, the military ration was very good,” N.N. Nikulin wrote about his front-line experience 60 years later, “900 g of bread in winter and 800 in summer were supposed to be per day, 180 g of cereals, meat, 35 g of sugar, 100 g of vodka during the fights. If these products reached the soldier without intermediaries, the soldier quickly
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became smooth, contented, gratified. But, as always, we have a lot of good undertakings, ideas, plans, which in practice turn into their opposite. Food was not always available. In addition, it was stolen without shame and conscience, whoever could. The soldier had to keep quiet and endure.”25
Indeed, the cause of malnutrition was often the abuse of rear services. Sometimes commanders robbed their own fighters. In December 1942 and January 1943, major shortcomings were established in the expenditure, storage and accounting of food and fodder in formations and units of the Voronezh and Southwestern fronts. In December 1942, the head of the administrative and economic department of the 60th Army, senior lieutenant of the commissary service, Estrup, issued 1768 kg of bread, 532 kg of cereals, 697 kg of meat, 210 kg of sugar, 100 kg of fat in excess of the norms for the nutrition of staff of the headquarters. In November-December 1942, the head of the administrative and economic department of the 6th Army, the captain of the commissary service, Menaker, and his deputy technician-commander of the 1st rank, Semyonov, overspent 755 kg of bread, 54 kg of sugar, 250 kg of canned food, 132 kg of biscuits, 69 kg fat26.
“There is a law of war that is not new: / In retreat - you eat plenty, / In defense - this way and that, / On the offensive - on an empty stomach”27. This rule, deduced by the hero of A. Tvardovsky's poem "Vasily Terkin", is basically confirmed by the front-line soldiers, although there is no need to talk about the abundance of food in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War. It was during the retreat that the practice of applying for direct food aid to the inhabitants of those settlements through which they passed was firmly entrenched among Soviet military personnel.
In defense, the energy costs of the organism themselves were already decreasing, since there were no “attacks, exhausting marches, dashes and crawls”28. The kitchens were nearby, and during the time on the defensive, the soldiers got used to the regularity and even fullness of the portions. As a rule, on the front line, under constant enemy fire, hot meals were delivered in thermoses, most often once, at night. In the rear or during a lull in the battles, two or three hot meals a day were established, of course, if the quartermaster services coped with their duties. An audit conducted by the Military Council of the Southern Front in June 1942 in the 12th and 18th armies made it possible to establish: “As a rule, soldiers complain about poor quality food, about liquid and monotonous food delivered to them in a cooled state.” In units of the 37th and 56th armies, food also suffered from monotony, and "the Red Army soldiers do not receive greens in all units." In the PTR company of the 1137th Infantry Regiment of the 339th Infantry Division “they drink raw water with sugar instead of tea.” In the 1171st Rifle Regiment of the same 339th Division, “instead of bread, they receive crackers, although there is a full opportunity to provide bread.” In the 689th Artillery Regiment, “every day they are fed barley and millet soup. Food is prepared at 4-5 pm in the rear and brought to positions 6 km away in thermoses by 7:30 pm cold and tasteless”29.
In the offensive, there were objective difficulties for catering: on the marches, camp kitchens and carts could not keep up with the troops advancing forward. Cooking on the go was difficult, and fires were not allowed at night. As a result, dry rations were distributed to the fighters, which sometimes turned out to be preferable to hot food, since in this case the possibility of food theft was reduced and, according to the front-line soldiers, “everything of ours remained with us.” If, before the attack, the fighters received an “emergency supply” (canned food, crackers, bacon), then “simple hungry soldier wisdom taught: you need to eat all the supplies before the battle - otherwise it will kill you, and don’t try it.”
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buesh!”30. But experienced front-line soldiers, knowing that with an abdominal wound, there is a better chance of surviving with an empty stomach, they tried not to eat or drink before the battle.
Participants in the war also note differences in the supply of certain categories of military personnel, and above all they recall the additional officer rations. Orientalist I. M. Dyakonov, who served as an interpreter in the political department of the Karelian Front, called the “wonderful” composition of this ration: “By the New Year, I received two cubes in my buttonholes and began to receive an officer's additional ration. It contained, firstly, tobacco, which I bartered: I myself did not smoke. Then there were good canned food (cod liver in oil) and butter, which I melted: the ration was supposed to turn into a parcel for my Leningraders ”31.
The difference in nutrition could depend on the position and personal ideas of the commander of a particular unit. A.V. Pyltsyn describes how the order of nutrition in the officer’s penal battalion, where he commanded a company, changed with the appointment of Baturin as battalion commander: “The new battalion commander also established a new order of nutrition for command personnel while the battalion was out of combat operations. If earlier we all ate from a common soldier's cauldron and only an additional officer's ration distinguished our menu from the contents of the penalty box's cauldrons, now full-time officers ate separately from them, in the so-called "dining room", which was located in a more or less spacious room. Cooked for us separately; I won’t say that it’s noticeably better than in the company camp kitchen, but on the other hand, we no longer ate from kettles, but from aluminum bowls. Since Lieutenant Colonel Baturin had a weakness for milk, he constantly carried a couple of dairy cows with him, and the officers got coffee or tea with milk from the "master's" table. The battalion commander with deputies was prepared separately, and this did not so much affect the quality of the menu as it set a strict distance. “The previous battalion commander Osipov did not strive for such a “distance”, and this did not reduce discipline, combat readiness or combat capability”32.
In this regard, comparisons with the situation in the enemy army, which appeared in memoirs published in recent years, draw attention to themselves: “In the Red Army, soldiers had one ration, while officers received extra butter, canned food, and biscuits. Delicacies, wines, balyks, sausages, etc. were brought to the army headquarters for the generals. The Germans, from soldier to general, had the same menu and it was very good. Each division had a company of sausage makers who made various meat products. Products and wines were brought from all over Europe. True, when it was bad at the front, both the Germans and we ate dead horses”33.
Of course, the state of health depended on nutrition. In the first military spring, which was especially difficult, dystrophics with “zero respiration” were often brought to hospitals. “During the 12-kilometer transition into the March mud, the regiments lost several soldiers who died of exhaustion,” recalled B. A. Slutsky34. Poor nutrition exacerbated chronic diseases of the internal organs (stomach, liver), vitamin deficiency caused the spread of scurvy and night blindness. The diary entries of the mechanical engineer of the tank regiment L. Z. Frenkel (May 1942) report a six-month absence of vegetables (including the most important of them - onions and garlic) in the diet and, as a result, the occurrence of scurvy in soldiers35. Front-line writer D. A. Granin testifies that near Leningrad, he himself and many of his fellow militiamen fell ill with scurvy, their teeth began to fall out: “We inserted them back with our fingers. Sometimes the teeth took root, and it was a joy. You can't chew on gums! The battalion sucked all day
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coniferous antiscorbutic briquettes, it helped a little, strengthened the bone tissue”36.
What a disaster beriberi was, can be seen from the story of L. N. Rabichev. In March 1943, one not particularly reliable soldier of his platoon declared that he "can't see anything around him, he's blind." The fighter was accused of simulation, but the next day 12 out of 40 people lost their sight: “It was a military, spring disease - night blindness. The next day, disaster struck. About one-third of the army went blind.”37 Strange twilight processions, reminiscent of a painting by Pieter Brueghel the Elder, captured the memoirs of N. N. Nikulin: “One soldier led a string of others behind him. With a large stick, he felt the way, and the rest walked in single file, holding tightly to each other. They didn't see anything. These were victims of the so-called night blindness - acute vitamin deficiency, in which a person loses sight in the dark. Night blindness could be treated with fortified butter. But it was plundered, as ordinary oil was plundered. The disease staunchly persisted among the soldiers.”38 They fought with beriberi by introducing vegetables, fish, sprouted wheat into the diet.
The command made efforts to correct the situation with the nutrition of military personnel, the perpetrators were reduced in position and military rank, sent to the tribunal. In the orders of the people's commissar of defense, "the facts of poor organization of food for fighters and a non-Soviet attitude to the preservation and expenditure of food" were repeatedly noted. It was pointed out that the nutrition of the fighters “in a number of units, despite the complete availability of food in warehouses and bases, is poorly organized; there are many cases when thieves and swindlers rob the Red Army soldiers with impunity, giving them less than the prescribed amount of bread, putting in the boiler an incomplete amount of food laid out according to the layout. To improve the nutrition of fighters and commanders, it was necessary to use local opportunities for harvesting vegetables. Military units and formations created their own subsidiary farms, while in some armies the crops reached thousands of hectares39.
The servicemen themselves were looking for their own ways of survival. Traditionally, the soldier sought to be closer to the kitchen. Attire for the kitchen, usually undesirable in peacetime due to the need to perform hard and dirty work, sometimes became the ultimate dream for soldiers in the rear. Describing his two-month stay in the Tesnitsky camps, L. G. Andreev noted that “only two or three times I was full, and even then not for future use - I ate too much. Those were the days of dressing up in the kitchen… we were completely hungry, we ate without thinking about the consequences, we knew that tomorrow the painful feeling would come again. Yes, painful, because you know that you will not satisfy yourself with anything. The Kazan barracks were remembered by him for the fact that “he was not hungry only once in two months: he was in a dress in the kitchen and ate too much, and then he suffered with his stomach”40.
When money was available, fighters and commanders bought food in the military trade system and civilian stores. In the camps near Noginsk, “it was sometimes possible to get bread in a stall, although the queues for it were colossal. I most often used the fact that I had money: I paid, and they got me bread. Cadets of the 2nd Vladivostok Military Infantry School, located in Komsomolsk-on-Amur, while skiing, laid a route not far from the store, the shelves of which were filled exclusively with canned crab. Crabs were flavored with a morning portion of barley or oatmeal porridge41.
Since not everyone had money to buy products, illegal exchange trade began, simple natural transactions took place:
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“On the first day, I could not eat either soup or porridge and changed them to four compotes. It turned out that there was a well-established practice of exchanges. For soup - two compotes, for the second - four, for bread and sugar - the second, or vice versa”42. V. V. Syrtsylin, who was tired of vobla and bream on the way, exchanged them for potatoes at the substations. In the city, having sold potatoes, he bought bread with the proceeds, part of which he immediately exchanged for tobacco43. Having received food for 15 days of travel (sausage, herring, sugar, crackers, tea), junior lieutenant 3. Kleiman, who suffered from a lack of hot food, exchanged half of the issued fish for cereals. Exchange also flourished in the trenches. “Tobacco on crackers, a serving of vodka for two servings of sugar. The prosecutor's office fought in vain with me,” B. A. Slutsky recalled about the “barter trader”44.
The few remaining household items, as well as items of military uniforms, ammunition and equipment, went on sale. S. I. Champanier told his wife: “I am very glad that I got rid of personal things ... Now the bag has become lighter and recovered a little - I drank milk, ate raspberries, cucumbers and onions and everything that can be obtained in the summer in the village. In general, you can make edible things out of sheets and T-shirts and towels, which is sometimes harder to do with money.” M. I. Sorotskin, who was in the study unit in Murom in the autumn of 1942, wrote to his wife: “If it’s not difficult for you and there is an opportunity, Manechka, then send me as much money as you can. Occasionally I buy tomatoes here (30-35 rubles a kilo), milk (40 rubles a litre) and eat. With bread [things] are bad”45. Parcels from home brightened up the front-line menu. Relatives put gingerbread, cookies, sausage, chocolate, sweets, sugar, crackers into them. It was crackers, along with tobacco and cigarettes, that were asked to be sent most often. In conditions when “I wanted to eat all the time,” “smoking dulled the feeling of hunger at least for a short time”46.
Don't forget about sweets. Medical sergeant F. Krivitskaya, who served in a field hospital, wrote to her mother in Moscow: delicious. But if there are long queues, then nothing is needed, and I can do without tasty food. And if you send, then send me honey, emblems and a 16-gon. The only thing that Muscovite F.V. Slaykovsky asked after two months at the front was biscuits and dragees (“not necessary, just treat yourself”)47. However, realizing the difficult economic situation of their loved ones, the majority of servicemen either refused to send parcels from home at all, or asked their relatives not to spend money and send cheaper food.
Often fighters and commanders received parcels from people completely unfamiliar to them. What the villagers sent usually consisted of food (a piece of lard or homemade sausage with garlic, dried fruit or a couple of apples, a bun with a baked egg inside - everything was carefully packed in a homespun canvas bag), with the exception of a tobacco pouch and an enclosed letter. Stationery and, as a rule, biscuits were sent more often from the city.
On May 18, 1942, the State Defense Committee of the USSR regulated this form of voluntary assistance by a special decree N 1768-s “On improving the organization of delivery to the destination and streamlining the accounting of gifts received for the Red Army from the population of the country” (announced in the order of the People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR N 0400 of May 20 ). According to the decree, nominal gifts to the Red Army soldiers and commanders, as well as food gifts from the population and organizations intended for certain military units, formations and armies, were required to be “delivered strictly for their intended purpose in
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in accordance with the wishes of the senders. The rest of the gifts were supposed to be sent to front-line and army bases, where individual gift packages were formed from them to be sent to units, subunits and hospitals for issuance to soldiers and commanders. Products left over from the completion of individual parcels, as well as perishable and difficult to process in the field (flour, cereals, meat, fish, vegetable oil, vegetables, dried fruits, wine, spices, laundry soap) should be sent to units of the army as an addition to rations49 .
The diet of front-line soldiers from time to time was replenished with military trophies when it was possible to capture the enemy's camp kitchens or stocks in warehouses. Having successfully attacked the Romanians, A. Z. Lebedintsev’s platoon took possession of the field kitchen with hominy, which the “hungry” liked very much50. N. N. Nikulin recalled with pleasure the “beautiful thing” - dry pea soup in packs (pea concentrate), which came across in warehouses or food trucks abandoned by the Germans. Some of the products were amazing. Such was, for example, “some hybrid of ersatz honey with butter in large briquettes” (Soviet soldiers made hearty sandwiches from it), as well as trophy bread sealed in a transparent film with the date of manufacture indicated: 1937-193851.
V.V. Syrtsylin “grew in gratitude” to the German pilots for inaccurate hits: “Thanks to them - they threw a lot of sausages, bread and chocolates into the trenches, and the hungry German sits in the trench opposite and licks her lips and is angry with her pilots that they are mistaken 52. However, sometimes the opposite happened. It also happened that opponents “peacefully” shared the same product among themselves. This happened, for example, with wild honey, which N. N. Nikulin and his colleague undertook to get at night. Having finished their dangerous undertaking (for this it was necessary to “pull a gas mask over your face, wrap a footcloth around your neck, and put mittens on your hands”), the soldiers saw the Germans standing at a distance: “They also went for honey and politely waited for us to leave.” Such “impromptu truces” concluded on the basis of hunger or the scarcity of the soldiers’ menu did not prevent the next morning from “tearing each other’s throats and breaking skulls”53. B. A. Slutsky also remembered the episode when representatives of both armies climbed at night for raspberries that had grown in the neutral zone.
Berries are a good addition to the diet. “Raspberries are ripening, whoever does not open his mouth on airplanes can always organize a dessert for himself. We are already running out of strawberries, there is also a fair amount of them here ... ”, wrote V. Raskin in July 1943 from the front line54. Sometimes they even served as the main product: “We eat well, I have already overate on blueberries”55.
Potato served as a universal food in harsh field conditions. “We’ll pick up potatoes in the first garden that comes across and boil them right in a bucket, and then we sit around like gypsies and eat, some with our hands, a knife, a spoon, and some just with a stick.” Soldiers called potatoes “blessed”. Subsequently, they wondered how much they could eat at one time (“what we ate now would frighten me”). “A soldier’s stomach, accustomed to being empty and never filled with miserable “cat” portions, at the first opportunity showed an amazing ability to stretch to incredible sizes”56.
Fishing also often helped out. According to P. V. Sinyugin, during the offensive near Taganrog in February 1943, the rear fell far behind, and the soldiers swelled from hunger. Life improved in the spring - not only because they began to bring food: “Next is the Dead Donets River, the fish went, pike perch. We assigned one person from each crew to fish. At-
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the guys are dragging fish in duffel bags, the cook will cook, but there is no salt. Although unsalted, they ate fish”57.
It was necessary to use ears, lime buds, acorns, various surrogates for food. During the construction of roads and bridges on the pass near Tuapse at the end of 1942, the political instructor of the 150th engineer-barrage battalion A. Kobenko wrote in his diary that when food ran out, the soldiers ate chestnuts, dried fruits and hazelnuts for more than a week58.
It was especially difficult for those who smoked: “Smokers suffered a lot, they could exchange both bread and vodka for smoking. What they were doing? Horse droppings, which had been lying around for two years, had already rotted all over, collected with a needle, wrapped and pulled, smoked. We are with them, with smokers, and swore, and we will fill the face to wean. It was hard for smokers. Better not give him bread than a cigarette.”59
Many sources mention the use of horse meat, often obtained illegally (healthy horses were slaughtered). Slutsky claimed that this practice spread in the first military spring: “I still remember the sweaty sweet smell of soup with horsemeat. The officers cut the horse meat into thin slices, roasted it on iron sheets until it became hard, crunchy, and edible.” In the winter of 1941, N. N. Nikulin, who fought on the Volkhov front, being on the verge of dystrophy, cut down “steaks” with an ax from a frozen thigh of a gelding dug out from under the snow60.
The consumption of horse meat became widespread in the spring of 1943. The Soviet troops fought fierce offensive battles, and the food echelon, as L. N. Rabichev recalled, was 100 kilometers behind. On the third day of the hungry existence, signalmen and gunners drew attention to the corpses of people and horses that had died the previous autumn and winter: “While they lay covered with snow, they were, as it were, mothballed, but under the hot rays of the sun they began to rapidly decompose. They removed boots from the corpses of people, searched in their pockets for lighters and tobacco, someone tried to boil pieces of shoe leather in pots. The horses were eaten almost entirely. True, at first they cut off the top layer of meat covered with worms, then they stopped paying attention to it. There was no salt. They cooked horse meat for a very long time, the meat was tough, rotten and sweetish, apparently disgusting, but then it seemed beautiful, inexpressibly tasty, it was satisfying and gurgling in the stomach”61.
When the soldiers were on the "pasture", everything was used: both the fish stunned by the explosions of shells, and the stolen chickens. Lebedintsev described an incident at the junction station Mineralnye Vody, where trains with evacuated cargo and livestock had accumulated. Since the train with the pigs of some state farm “no one fed anything” and “it was just right for the pigs to eat themselves in the cars without food and water”, Lebedintsev and a friend decided to beg the piglets to give them a piglet. Having received a refusal, they shot a piglet (“having saved them from hunger torment”), and the girls from nearby houses cooked it, adding new potatoes from themselves directly from the garden62.
In most cases, such “requisitions” were a necessity that allowed those who, without hesitation, to give their lives for their homeland, to survive. Flour obtained during a raid on a railway car saved the lives of L. G. Andreev and his comrades who got to the front (they cooked stew from it all the way), those lives that a few weeks later were given in the battle for the dilapidated village of Chernaya near Staraya Russa (18 people remained from the battalion). Shortly before this battle, being very close to the front line, frozen and hungry, half-delirious, the soldiers of the ski battalion in a few moments “pulled the groups into loaves”
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zovik filled with bread. The driver shouted, pulled the tarpaulin, but could not do anything63.
On the roads of war, soldiers often had to eat according to the so-called "grandmother's certificate", that is, rely on the kindness and disposition of the local population. Exhausted by hunger, in fact they had no other choice but to "beg". Sometimes the owners themselves took the initiative and shared their supplies with the soldiers. However, military personnel recall other cases. V. Izvekov describes how in October 1941, in retreat, the soldiers of his unit dispersed to their homes in a nearby village in search of food. Although he was “disgusted by begging,” Izvekov passed the huts and turned into a well-built house, but was refused by the old owner: “What, did you finish the war, you sons of bitches? Have you gone to fetch? Robbed, robbed a peasant, and now again to him. Great…”64.
However, few dared to refuse such a sharp refusal to armed people, more often such peasants concealed food. Hence the cases when a soldier had to get his livelihood by cunning or otherwise. Once A. Z. Lebedintsev and his friend the owners of the house refused to sell some products. He decided to reload the drum of his revolver: “I took it out and started to knock out empty shells with a ramrod and insert live cartridges. Somehow I didn’t even attach any importance to this, but it had an effect on my grandfather. He immediately got up, went down to the cellar, and brought out half a loaf of bread and lard the size of a bar of laundry soap, and ordered his wife to pour us a bowl of soup. I left money for them, but they did not take it, hoping that, perhaps, some kind hostess would feed their sons. We sincerely thanked the hosts, taking away not only half a loaf of bread and lard, but also warmth in our hearts.”65
According to B. A. Slutsky, a serious improvement in nutrition began “with the arrival of a well-fed, crafty, under-plundered by the Germans Ukraine.” In the summer of 1943, his company refused dinner, “having eaten cucumbers, milk, and honey offered by the peasants hiding in the cellars.” Although the retreat of the enemy was accompanied by the destruction of food (melons were destroyed, cattle were shot), he could not destroy everything. This summer the problem of vegetables and fruits was removed; food departments stopped collecting vitamin nettles for soldiers' borscht: “Near Kharkov, the front was held in melons and vegetable gardens. It was enough to reach out for a tomato, a cucumber, it was enough to kindle a fire to boil corn. A fruit kingdom began near Tiraspol. Anti-tank ditches crossed apple, pear, apricot orchards ... Compote and jelly firmly entered the soldier's menu”66.
Since 1944, in letters and diary entries, changes have been noted related to the improvement of the front-line kitchen, diet, and chefs are praised: he cooks like a soldier, fat, tasty and a lot.” P. L. Pecheritsa mentioned competitions for the best cooking, which were held in the conditions of the front67.
Improved nutrition, its diversity became the subject of letters sent by front-line soldiers from abroad, especially from Germany. Some of them reported a complete absence of food problems in a succinct way, apparently not wanting to stir the imagination of the food-constrained household. Others - with some special courage: "We have already eaten, and we do not want to eat everything"; “We eat lard with lard and snack on pancakes with sweet tea”68. Sometimes the opportunity to eat “the most exquisite delicacies” was noted (for example,
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which, due to the gastronomic inexperience of a serviceman, could mean quite ordinary products), or it was said that “only bird’s milk is missing”69.
Particular attention was paid to meat, which was not consumed very often by the majority of Soviet citizens even in civilian life. V. N. Tsoglin wrote to his sister “from the house of a runaway Hans”: “The cow was slaughtered and we are training to see who can cook better. At first, you won’t believe it, ten people ate 9 kg of meat”70. H. Idelchik, senior lieutenant of the medical service, H. Idelchik, spoke in a letter from Germany about the daily unlimited consumption of poultry and meat (“chickens, cold, pork are already boring”). Lieutenant Z. Kleiman reported that the soldiers of his battery, while camping in a German village, "eat as much meat as they like - they put a whole cow into the cauldron." Such drastic changes in the diet caused concern to physicians. The staff doctor complained that the rear soldiers, following the line of least resistance, overloaded the rations with huge portions of meat and wine, threateningly degenerating tissues72.
There is evidence of direct satiation. “In the winter of 1944/45, quite often the infantry overturned the kitchens, dumped mounds of porridge on the dirty snow - even though they put 600 grams of meat per person into the porridge, and not 37 grams of who knows what.” It is not surprising that Soviet soldiers “shared food without further ado” with large German families73. Food stocks made it possible to exchange for things (for example, in Vienna, for five loaves of bread, you could buy a ladies' gold watch), sent by parcels to your homeland. Of the products, chocolate and sugar were usually included in the parcels.
The officer corps was especially chic abroad. According to an eyewitness, during their stay in Vienna, “breakfasts, lunches and dinners consisted of several dishes and the most delicious products, they were served on real porcelain, we used silverware, and only wonderful Czech beer was sold for a purely symbolic payment with occupation money in crystal glasses ... Officers and civilian employees ate together, which resembled not just a dining room, but, as it were, a restaurant with waitresses. At dinner at army headquarters, appetizers were served on china and silver, and only French champagne was drunk. A.P. Popovichenko also recalled Vienna on the day of the May Day celebration: “The head of the rear, Colonel Karpov, as they say, ruined Vienna, but delivered such wines and snacks to the banquet that we could not even dream of, not only in wartime, but, perhaps, , and in peaceful days!” A stunning banquet in honor of the Victory Day was “celebrated” in a mansion near Waidhofen75.
According to B. A. Slutsky, in 1945 the Soviet soldier managed to recover to a certain extent, “feed himself” and “eat meat, which was enough for many months of the recovery period”76. For some time after the end of the war, trophy foods played a significant role in the army ration. This is evidenced, for example, by the letters of private V. N. Tsoglin, who continued his service on the 1st Far Eastern Front in the summer of 1945: We still have cattle from Prussia and other various trophies.” It is noteworthy how the author explained the deterioration of the nutrition situation at the end of autumn: “Food has become poor, but it should have been so. Trophies don't last forever. Not a self-assembled tablecloth.” Actually, these words reflect the well-known readiness of the Soviet people to meet the inevitable difficulties; it seems quite normal to him that the prosperity of the “trophy period” will necessarily be followed by the usual problems with food, which is confirmed by the phrase from the
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Kabrsky letter: “They say that a soldier’s stomach will digest a chisel. If there is no bread, we will use carpentry tools”77.
During the war, the Soviet soldier had to endure many hardships, not the least of which was “starving life” or real hunger. The consumption rate for men of military age is 2600 - 4000 calories per day. The energy value of the established nutritional norms for servicemen of the active army met this standard. However, the real state of the food supply depended on a number of factors: the period of the war, the location of the troops, the intensity of hostilities, the establishment of military rear services, the time of year and weather and climatic conditions.
Even more difficult was the situation with the food of the military personnel of the logistics institutions. Already the norms of their daily allowance were minimal and did not always correspond to the nature of the load, especially in spare and construction parts. With long-term nutrition of personnel according to the rear norm, diseases from exhaustion spread. For example, in parts of the Trans-Baikal Front in 1943-1944. alimentary dystrophy has become widespread.
A proverb attributed to Frederick II categorically states: "The army marches on its belly." However, the testimonies of participants in the Great Patriotic War cast doubt on its justice. One of the most outspoken belongs to the poet and guard major, who went through the war from beginning to end, Boris Slutsky, who opened the chapter “Genesis” of his autobiographical prose “Notes on War” with the following statement: “The lower standard of living of pre-war life helped, but did not damage our passion ... We overthrew the army, which included chocolate, Dutch cheese, sweets in the soldier's rations”79.
“Soldier’s prose” by L. G. Andreev, written by him a year after returning from the front, even at the height of the war, preserved the terrible experience of the experience: “We are not even hungry - a hungry person is clearly aware that he wants to eat, in whom this desire separate from him; hunger has penetrated all of us, has become a state, a permanent property of thoughts, feelings, sensations, has ceased to be clearly felt, having merged entirely with us”80. The memory of the military famine did not let go of the front-line soldiers even decades later.
Notes
The article was prepared within the framework of the project “The Great Patriotic War in the Historical Memory of the South of Russia” of the Program of Fundamental Research of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences “Fundamental Problems of Modernizing a Multiethnic Macroregion in Conditions of Growing Tensions” for 2012-2014.
1. Bokhanovsky I. N. Supply of troops with bread in the field. Cand. diss. Kalinin. 1945; Soviet rear in the Great Patriotic War. Book. 1 - 2. M. 1974; The role of the rear of the Soviet armed forces in achieving victory in the Great Patriotic War. L. 1975; Rear of the Soviet Armed Forces in the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945. M. 1977; and etc.
2. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. A. Mukhin, Fathers-commanders. M. 2004, p. 87.
3. Voznesensky N. The military economy of the USSR during the Patriotic War. M. 1947, p. 42.
4. Great Patriotic War. 1941 - 1945. Encyclopedia. M. 1985, p. 645.
5. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 2). M. 1997, p. 95 - 102.
6. Ibid., p. 97.
7. Ibid., p. 98 - 99. The Red Army soldiers of combat and spare parts outside the active army, compared with the pre-war rations and rations of combat units, relied on 150 g less bread, 50 g of cereals and pasta, 75 g of meat, 10 g of fat, 10 g Sahara. However, on
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20 g increased the norm of fish and 100 g of vegetables. For Red Army soldiers of guard units and rear establishments, the daily rations of food became less by 200 g of bread, 60 g of cereals and pasta, 75 g of meat, 10 g of fat, 10 g of sugar, but more by 100 g of potatoes. The cadet daily ration was also reduced and consisted of 400 g (500 g in winter) of rye and 300 g of wheat bread, 140 g of cereals, 150 g of meat, 80 g of fish, 500 g of potatoes and 285 g of other vegetables, 50 g of butter and 15 g other fats, 50 g sugar. In addition to tea, the ration included dried fruit compote and surrogate coffee.
8. Ibid., p. 96. In the army - 500 g of rye crackers, 200 g of concentrated millet porridge, 75 g of concentrated mashed pea soup, 100 g of semi-smoked sausage, replaced by 70 g of bacon, 150 g of roach or cheese, 100 g of dry fish, 113 g of meat canned food, 200 g of herring, 35 g of sugar, salt and tea, outside the active army - less than 100 g of crackers, 20 g of semi-smoked sausage, 10 g of bacon, 30 g of vobla or cheese, 20 g of dry fish, 40 g of herring, and canned meat was not provided.
9. Ibid., p. 100 - 101. 800 g, and in winter 900 g, rye wholemeal bread, 180 g of cereals and pasta, 250 g of meat, 90 g of fish, 610 g of potatoes and 410 g of other vegetables, 30 g of butter, 25 g of other fats , 50 g sugar. Combat crews of crews outside the active army and flight crews who were in the barracks were given 400 g of rye and 300 g of wheat bread, 130 g of cereals and pasta, 300 g of meat, 70 g of fish, 500 g of potatoes and 335 g of other vegetables, 60 g butter and 5 g vegetable oil, 60 g sugar, 100 g milk, 20 g cottage cheese, 10 g sour cream, 20 g cheese, dried fruits and fruit extract. For the technical composition of Air Force units outside the active army, hot breakfasts were provided, the norms of which included 100 g of wheat bread, 30 g of cereals or pasta, 200 g of potatoes and vegetables, 100 g of meat, 30 g of butter, 20 g of sugar. Smokers were given 25 cigarettes of the 1st grade or 25 g of tobacco per day, 10 boxes of matches monthly.
10. Ibid., p. 96.
11. Ibid., p. 101 - 102. The hospital ration contained less bread (600 g, including 300 g of wheat), cereals and pasta (130 g), meat (120 g) and fish (50 g). It also included 450 g of potatoes and 285 g of other vegetables, 50 g of sugar, dry or canned fruit, 200 g of milk, 40 g of cow butter and 15 g of other fats, 25 g of cottage cheese, 10 g of sour cream, 100 g of juice or berry-fruit extract. For convalescents, the norm of bread was increased to 800 g (including 400 g of wheat). The sanatorium ration included 500 g of wheat and 200 g of rye bread, 110 g of cereals and pasta, 160 g of meat, poultry and smoked meats, 70 g of fish, 400 g of potatoes and 500 g of other vegetables, 200 g of fresh milk, 50 g of sugar, 25 g sour cream, 10 g cottage cheese, 45 g cow's and 5 g vegetable oil, dried fruits, coffee and cocoa.
12. OSKIN M. V. Russian army and the food crisis in 1914 - 1917. - Questions of history, 2010, N 3, p. 144-145.
13. Rear in the Great Patriotic War. M. 1971, p. 191; and etc.
14. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 2), p. 285, 368.
15. ANDREEV L. G. Philosophy of existence. War memories. M. 2005, p. 61, 89, 92.
16. RABICHEV L. “The war will write off everything”, memoirs, illustrations, documents, letters. M. 2008, p. 76-77.
17. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 2), p. 373.
18. ANDREEV L. G. Uk. op., p. 98.
19. Save my letters ... Sat. letters and diaries of Jews during the Great Patriotic War. Issue. 1. M. 2007, p. 57, 81, 85; issue 2. M. 2010, p. 80.
20. Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), f. M-33, op. 1, d. 369, l. fourteen.
21. Letters from the war. Sat. documents. Saransk. 2010, p. 165.
22. RGASPI, f. M-33, op. 1, d. 1400, l. 40.
23. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 2), p. 273-274.
24. Ibid. T. 13 (2 - 3). M. 1997, p. 29, 36.
25. Nikulin N. N. Memories of the war. SPb. 2008, p. 61.
26. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 3), p. 90-91.
27. TVARDOVSKY A. T. Vasily Terkin. Terkin in the other world. M. 2010, p. 105.
28. PIL'TSYN A. V. Penalty kick, or How an officer's penal battalion reached Berlin. SPb. 2003, p. 154.
29. Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, f. 12 A(2), op. 6005, d. 96, l. 144, 178.
30. Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 156, 210.
31. DYAKONOV I. M. Book of memories. SPb. 1995, p. 541.
32. PIL'TSYN A. V. Uk. op., p. 182 - 183.
33. Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 54.
34. Slutsky B. A. Notes on the war. In the book: Slutsky B. A. About others and about yourself. M. 2005, p. 29.
35. Save my letters ... Vol. 2, p. 26.
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36. VANDENKO A. Bottom of the Great War. - Results, 2010, N 18 (725), p. 52.
37. RABICHEV L. Uk. op., p. 104.
38. Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 61.
39. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 3), p. 167, 36, 319.
40. ANDREEV L. G. Uk. op., p. 61-62.
41. Ibid., p. 78; PYLTSYN A. V. Uk. op., p. 21-22.
42. RABICHEV L. Uk. op., p. 76-77.
43. Heroes of patience. The Great Patriotic War in the sources of personal origin. Sat. documents. Krasnodar. 2010, p. 87.
44. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 162; Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 29.
45. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 88; issue 2, p. 165.
46. VANDENKO A. Uk. op., p. 52.
47. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 115; issue 2, p. 38 - 39.
48. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. A. Mukhin, Uk. op., p. 97-98.
49. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 2), p. 234-236.
50. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. A. Mukhin, Uk. op., p. 135.
51. Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 103, 149; PYLTSYN A. V. Uk. op., p. 40.
52. Center for Documentation of the Contemporary History of the Krasnodar Territory, f. 1774-R, op. 2, d. 1234, l. 32rev.
53. Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 166-168.
54. RGASPI, f. M-33, op. 1, d. 1400, l. 43.
55. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 140.
56. Heroes of Patience, p. 99; ANDREEV L. G. Uk. op., p. 179.
57. Memoirs of Pyotr Vasilievich Sinyugin, born in 1924, recorded in Maikop by E. F. Krinko on 5.XI.2001.
58. Heroes of Patience, p. 208.
59. Memoirs of Peter Vasilyevich Sinyugin.
60. Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 29; Nikulin N. N. Uk. op., p. 84.
61. RABICHEV L. Uk. op., p. 111.
62. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. I. Mukhin, Uk. op., p. 124.
63. ANDREEV L. G. Uk. op., p. 102 - 103, 126 - 127.
64. The most memorable day of the war. Letters of confession. M. 2010, p. 81-82.
65. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. A. Mukhin, Uk. op., p. 118 - 119.
66. Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 29, 31.
67. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 261; Heroes of Patience, p. 229.
68. SENYAVSKAYA E. S. Women's fate through the prism of military censorship - Military Historical Archive, 2001, N 7 (22), p. 38; Save my letters… Vol. 1, p. 262.
69. Archive of the Scientific and Educational Center (SPC) “Holocaust”, f. 9, op. 2, d. 160, l. 20, 46.
70. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 262.
71. Archive of the SPC “Holocaust”, f. 9, op. 2, d. 195, l. eleven.
72. Save my letters ... Vol. 1, p. 165; Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 32.
73. Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 29; I saw it... New letters about the war. M. 2005, p. 20.
74. A. Z. LEBEDINTSEV and Yu. A. Mukhin, Uk. op., p. 234, 241.
75. RGASPI, f. M-33, op. 1, d. 369b, l. 40, 42rev., 43.
76. Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 32.
77. Archive of the SPC “Holocaust”, f. 9, op. 2, d. 160, l. 50, 57, 61.
78. Russian archive. T. 13 (2 - 3), p. 268 - 269.
79. Slutsky B. A. Uk. op., p. 28.
80. ANDREEV L. G. Uk. op., p. 71.
Questions of history. - 2012. - No. 5. - C. 39-54
Krinko Evgeniy Fedorovich - Doctor of Historical Sciences, Deputy Director of the Institute for Social, Economic and Humanitarian Research of the Southern Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Tazhidinova Irina Gennadievna – Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Kuban State University.
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