The mood in the capital is exceptionally alarming. The wildest rumors circulate in society, both about the intentions of the government (in the sense of taking various kinds of reactionary measures), and equally about the assumptions of groups and sections of the population hostile to this government (in the sense of possible and probable revolutionary undertakings and excesses).
Everyone is waiting for some exceptional events and performances from both sides. They are equally seriously and anxiously expecting various revolutionary outbreaks, as well as an undoubted allegedly in the near future "palace coup", the forerunner of which, according to common belief, was the act against the "notorious old man" (meaning the murder of Rasputin).
Among such chaotic judgments, gossips and rumors, the repeated talks and talks about terror as a phenomenon not of a party character, but of a general one, draw special attention to themselves everywhere and everywhere. In this respect, rumors about the possible manifestations of terror are usually associated in progressive public circles with the question of the final dissolution of the State Duma, which is probable under the present situation.<…>
It should be noted that if the workers have come to the realization of the necessity and feasibility of a general strike and the subsequent revolution, and the circles of the intelligentsia have come to believe in the salvation of political assassinations and terror, then this clearly enough shows the oppositional mood of society and its thirst to find one way or another way out of created politically abnormal situation. And this situation is becoming more and more abnormal and tense every day, and that the masses of the population, nor the leaders of the political parties, see no natural peaceful way out of it - there is no need to talk about it.
FROM A LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FYODOROVNA TO NICHOLAS II
The strikes and riots in the city are more than provocative.<…>This is a hooligan movement, boys and girls run around and shout that they have no bread - just to create excitement, and workers who prevent others from working. If the weather were very cold, they would all probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves well. The worst speeches are not published, but I think that anti-dynastic speeches must be immediately and very severely punished, especially since now war time. The strikers must be told directly not to strike, otherwise they will be sent to the front or severely punished.
TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOVA TO STATE
I report that on February 23 and 24, as a result of a lack of grain, a strike broke out in many factories. On February 24, about 200,000 workers went on strike, forcibly removing those who worked. The movement of the tram was stopped by the workers. In the middle of the day on February 23 and 24, part of the workers broke through to the Nevsky, from where they were dispersed. Today, February 25, the attempts of workers to penetrate the Nevsky are successfully paralyzed. The broken part is dispersed by the Cossacks. In addition to the Petrograd garrison, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoye Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the consolidated Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk, and five squadrons of the guards reserve cavalry regiment were called to Petrograd.
(S.S. Khabalov - Commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General)
"DONT BE DELAYED."
TELEGRAM OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DUMA M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASIIFEBRUARY 26, 1917
Your Majesty!
The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport, food and fuel fell into complete disorder. Growing public discontent. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops fire at each other. A person who enjoys the confidence of the country should immediately be instructed to form a new government. You can't delay. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that at this hour the responsibility does not fall on the crowned bearer.
"TOMORROW MAY BE LATE"
FROM A TELEGRAM TO M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASII 27 FEBRUARY 1917
The government is completely powerless to suppress the disorder. There is no hope for the troops of the garrison. The reserve battalions of the guard regiments are engulfed in mutiny. Officers are killed. Having joined the crowd and the popular movement, they go to the house of the Ministry of the Interior and the State Duma. The civil war has begun and is flaring up. Order to immediately call for a new government on the basis that I reported to Your Majesty in yesterday's telegram. Order the cancellation of your royal decree to convene the legislative chambers again. Announce these measures without delay with the highest manifesto. If the movement is transferred to the army, the German will triumph and the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable. On behalf of all Russia, I ask Your Majesty to fulfill the foregoing. The hour that decides your fate and the fate of your homeland has come. Tomorrow may be too late.
RODZIANKO ON HIS POSITION IN FEBRUARY 1917
In 1919, the former chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma wrote: “Of course, the State Duma could have refused to lead the revolution, but we must not forget the complete absence of power that has arisen and the fact that if the Duma were to abolish itself, complete anarchy would immediately set in and the fatherland would die immediately. .. The Duma had to be protected, at least as a fetish of power, which would still play its role in a difficult moment.
TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOV IN THE NAME OF M.V. ALEKSEEVA
I ask you to report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after the other, betrayed their duty, refused to fight against the rebels. Others fraternized with the rebels and turned their weapons against the troops loyal to his majesty. Those who remained true to their duty fought all day against the rebels, suffering heavy losses. By evening, the rebels had captured most of the capital. Faithful to the oath remain small units of different regiments, pulled together at the Winter Palace under the command of Major General Zankevich, with whom I will continue to fight.
(M.V. Alekseev - Chief of Staff of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Adjutant General of the General Staff, General of Infantry)
THE FIRST SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION
On February 27, 1917, at 5 o’clock in the morning, the senior sergeant major of the training team of the Volynsky regiment, Timofey Kirpichnikov, raised the soldiers subordinate to him, fed, armed and built before the arrival of the authorities. The day before, their commander, staff captain Lashkevich, led a team into the city - to shoot at unarmed demonstrators who were indignant at the lack of bread in the stores; at the same time, Lashkevich personally killed several dozen civilians. At night, Timofei Kirpichnikov persuaded his assistants, "platoon leaders", to refuse to participate in the executions of the inhabitants of Petrograd. Arriving at the location of the unit, the officer argued with his subordinates, as a result, he tried to escape and was shot dead.
The insurgent training team, with weapons in their hands, moved to the reserve battalion of their regiment and dragged it along. Then Timofey Kirpichnikov led the soldiers further - to raise the neighboring regiments. Overcoming the resistance of sentries and officers, they were able to bring many thousands of armed people into the streets within a few hours. At some point, Kirpichnikov himself ceased to control the actions of the crowd, which arbitrarily opened fire, stormed the objects occupied by the gendarmerie, and eventually prompted state institutions, including the government, to curtail their activities, and later completely scatter.
Thanks to the abilities of Timofey Kirpichnikov, the riots organized with the participation of the Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev, commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and other high-ranking officials, got out of control of any authorities.
The deputies of the State Duma tried to form a new government, the activists of the left parties began to create Soviets - they called for sending representatives from each part and from every thousand workers for the election of the Executive Committee. In parallel, A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin, with the support of the top generals, forced Nicholas II to abdicate. The power in the country was weakening more and more (especially after Order No. 1, which contributed to the collapse of the army). This did not prevent the new commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, L.G. Kornilov, from presenting an award to Kirpichnikov - the St. George Cross of the 4th degree. The hero of February was also promoted to ensign.
Leaders of extremist groups gathered in Petrograd political organizations and already tried to take power into their own hands - the "April crisis" arose. At the same time, Timofey Kirpichnikov stood up for the Provisional Government. He again brought an armed demonstration to the streets, which paralyzed the actions of the revolutionaries. In April, they had to abandon their plans.
After October 25, 1917, when P.N. Krasnov was advancing on Petrograd captured by the Bolsheviks, Kirpichnikov tried to repeat his signature move with a riot of soldiers of the garrison. However, the uprising of the cadet schools did not evoke a response among the soldiers - the plan fell through.
In November, Kirpichnikov was able to escape from the capital to the Don. He arrived at A.P. Kutepov, who in February was just on vacation in Petrograd and tried in vain to restore order (the soldiers assigned to him fled) at the time when Kirpichnikov was destroying it. A very short conversation took place between the two heroes, recorded by A.P. Kutepov in his memoirs: “Once a young officer came to my headquarters, who very cheekily told me that he had come to the Volunteer Army to fight the Bolsheviks “for the freedom of the people”, which the Bolsheviks trample on. I asked him where he had been until now and what he had been doing, the officer told me that he was one of the first "fighters for the freedom of the people" and that in Petrograd he took an active part in the revolution, speaking out among the first against the old regime. When the officer wanted to leave, I ordered him to stay and, calling the officer on duty, sent for the outfit. The young officer became agitated, turned pale, and began to ask why I was detaining him. Now you will see, I said, and when the squad arrived, I ordered that this "freedom fighter" be shot immediately.
ORDER #1
OF THE PETROGRAD COUNCIL OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES FOR THE GARRISON OF THE PETROGRAD DISTRICT
Order No. 1. March 1, 1917. According to the garrison of the Petrograd district, to all soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and precise execution, and to the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and separate services of various types of military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates in the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.
3) In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.
4) The orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except in cases where they contradict the orders and resolutions of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
5) All kinds of weapons, such as: rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.
6) In the ranks and in the performance of official duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside the service and in formation in their political, general civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, rising to the front and the obligatory salute outside the service are canceled.
7) The title of officers is also canceled: Your Excellency, Nobleness, etc., and is replaced by the appeal: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as “you” is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, must be brought to the attention of the company committees.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combat and non-combat teams.
Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies
DECLARATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
Citizens!
The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the metropolitan troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to proceed to a more stable organization of executive power.
For this purpose, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, the confidence in which the countries have been ensured by their past social and political activities.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior Prince G.E. Lvov.
Foreign Minister P.N. Milyukov.
Minister of Military and Naval A.I. Guchkov.
Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov.
Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov.
Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov.
Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko.
Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V.N. Lvov.
Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev.
Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.
State Comptroller I.V. Godnev.
Minister for Finnish Affairs F.I. Rodichev.
In its present activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following principles:
1. Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.
2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits allowed by military technical conditions.
3. Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4. Immediate preparations for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of a universal, equal, secret and direct vote, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.
5. Replacing the police with people's militia with elected leaders subordinate to local governments.
6. Elections to local self-government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage.
7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.
8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and in the performance of military service - the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens. The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.
Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince G.E. Lvov.
Ministers: P.N.Milyukov, N.V.Nekrasov, A.N.Konovalov, A.A.Manuilov, M.I.Tereshchenko, Vl.N.Lvov, A.I.
ON THE REFUSAL OF GRAND DUKE MIKHAIL ALEKSANDROVICH
FROM THE PERCEPTION OF THE SUPREME POWER TO THE ESTABLISHMENT
IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF THE IMAGE OF BOARD AND NEW
BASIC LAWS OF THE RUSSIAN STATE
A heavy burden has been placed on me by the will of my brother, who handed over to me the imperial all-Russian throne in a time of unprecedented war and unrest of the people. Encouraged by the same thought with all the people that the good of our Motherland is above all, I made a firm decision in that case to accept the supreme power, if such is the will of our great people, which should establish a form of government and new basic laws by popular vote through its representatives in the Constituent Assembly. Russian state.
Therefore, invoking the blessing of God, I ask all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government, which, at the initiative of the State Duma, has arisen and is invested with all the fullness of power, until it is possible to convene
As soon as possible, on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage, the Constituent Assembly, by its decision on the form of government, will express the will of the people.
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The town of Gorodok, in Podolia (Ukraine), celebrated its 650th anniversary last year. Alas, despite its considerable age and more than a turbulent history, no special sights have been preserved here. For example, the presence of a once formidable castle is only reminiscent of the image of a silver wall on the city coat of arms.
Tsars, kings, emperors, presidents ... We rarely see examples of prosperous destinies in history the mighty of the world this. Much more often those in power become victims of intrigues, conspiracies, palace coups, military defeats, revolutions, and simply fall under the bullets and bombs of the "people's avengers" ... And like shadows, impostors and doubles follow them.
The relationship between the Hungarian composer Imre Kalman and his wife Vera Makinskaya can hardly be called a love story. This marriage, rather, served as proof of a simple truth: love is blind. Smart and businesslike, Kalman adored his young wife until the end of his life. No matter what.
All heat engines, including rocket engines, convert the internal energy of the burned fuel into mechanical energy. Fuel in this case can have very different forms and parameters. Internal combustion engines (ICE) do not accept either wood or coal; they are fed something liquid or gaseous. But there are substances quite unusual.
The first issue of Pravda, the central organ of Ros. S.-D. R. P. (Bolsheviks). It contains an appeal to the workers to join the ranks of the party and to raise money for the benefit of the “workers' press fund”. In the same issue there are reports of the extraordinary growth in St. Petersburg of district Party organizations and cells in factories and sub-districts.
In St. Petersburg there were several meetings of workers in factories and factories. One of the resolutions (at the Skorokhod TV factory) says that it is necessary to fight for a democratic republic, an 8-hour working day and for the confiscation of specific, monastic and landlord lands for the peasantry. Another resolution points out that, in view of the possibility of a threat to the won freedoms both from an internal enemy and from an external one, it is necessary to immediately begin to arm the militia and soldiers who have joined the revolutionary proletariat.
At a meeting of the St. Petersburg Council of R. and S. D., questions were discussed about replenishing the composition of the Executive Committee, overloaded with work and in need of new forces, and the question of resuming work at factories and factories. Chkheidze spoke on behalf of the Executive Committee on the second issue. The question sparked a heated debate. After the debate, the Council, by a majority of 1170 against 30, adopted a resolution on the resumption of work in the Petersburg region in order to stop the work that had begun again at the first signal. The Council, simultaneously with the resumption of work, calls for the immediate creation and strengthening of workers' organizations of all kinds, as strongholds for the further revolutionary struggle for the complete elimination of the old regime and the class ideals of the proletariat. The Council recognizes at the same time that it is necessary to begin immediately the drawing up of programs of economic demands to be presented on behalf of the working class to the employers.
I s pol k o m P e t. Sov. R. and S. D. decided to prohibit the publication of all Black Hundred newspapers, for example: Zemshchina, Golos Rusi, Kolokola, Russkoe Znamya, and others. As for the Novoye Vremya newspaper, in view of the fact that it was published without the prior permission of the Executive Committee, Gvozdev was instructed to close this newspaper until further notice. The Executive Committee organized two more commissions: 1) a commission for legislative proposals consisting of: Bramson, Groman, Pavlovich, Sokolov, Steklov, Sukhanov, Tchaikovsky; it was decided to organize subcommittees under it to develop a program of economic demands in the interests of the working people; agrarian, labor, etc. 2) non-resident commission, for communication with places. Her duty is to send commissars to different cities and regions, especially to those where there are many "Black Hundreds" who sow national discord.
Petersburg Izvestia published an appeal by the Executive Committee of the Soviet of S. and R. D. to soldiers urging them not to fall for the bait of provocateurs who sow discord between soldiers and officers and who are agents of the old system. According to the order of the Time. Rights, the police, everywhere must be reorganized into a militia, organized by public self-governments.
The Chairman of the Provisional Government, Lvov, issued a telegraphic order on the general removal from office of governors and vice-governors and their replacement by temporary chairmen of the provincial zemstvo councils, on the assignment to the chairmen of the county zemstvo councils of the duties of county commissars of the Provisional Government, and also on the replacement of the police with militia organized by public local governments:
The Provisional Government decided to set up special bodies under the Ministry of Communications to deal with conflicts between workers and management.
The Provisional Government decided to pay all strikers at state-owned factories pay for absentee days during the revolutionary movement.
The St. Petersburg Society of Manufacturers and Factory Owners decided to pay the strikers the same.
An order (No. 114) was published by Minister of War Guchkov on changing the regulations of the internal service in favor of the democratization of the army. The content of this order is as follows: 1) the name "lower rank" is replaced by the name "soldier"; 2) the appeal to the soldiers on "you" is canceled; 3) the title of commanding persons is replaced by their name according to their rank, service rank or position; 4) in the abolition of existing restrictions military ranks participation as members in various unions and societies organized for political purposes, smoking on the streets and in public places, attending clubs and meetings, riding inside trams, etc. is allowed.
Moscow Council of Workers. Dep. adopted a resolution to end the strike, the same as Petersburg. The second meeting of the Moscow Council of SD was held, which was attended by about 600 people. It was decided to send representatives to the Council of Slaves. Dep., which should be renamed the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
Meetings are held at various Moscow factories and resolutions are adopted. Some of them speak of the need to group around Ros. S.-D. R. P. (Bolsheviks), who is the mouthpiece of the broad democratic masses. Factory workers Vtorov and Sov. Slave. Dep. Khamovnichesky district on the question of war and peace called for ending the war by developing agitation among the proletariat of the belligerent countries for peace without annexations and indemnities.
In the Moscow cinema "Kino-Ars" a meeting of soldiers and officers in the amount of 2000 people took place. A resolution was adopted: “The Assembly believes that between officers, lower ranks, public organizations and the Council of the Slave. Dep. there is no discord, but there is a common goal - the defense of the native country. After the rally, soldiers and officers with an orchestra and music moved along Tverskaya, accompanied by a huge crowd of citizens to the City Duma, where greetings were heard from members of the executive committee of public organizations. From the Duma, to the sounds of the Marseillaise, they moved to the university, and then to the temporary headquarters on Arbat Square. In the circus of Solomonsky, workers and soldiers, several thousand in number, having discussed the current situation, decided to greet the Moscow and St. .
At Perovo station, in the railway workshops, there was a meeting of 1,500 people. A resolution was adopted by Moscow. Com. Ros.- S.-D. R. P. (Bolsheviks), demanding the implementation of a program of at least social-democratic party and the elimination of the war without annexations and indemnities.
A number of provincial cities greeted the news of the coup with jubilation. The arisen Soviets of the Slave. Dep. send telegraphic greetings Pet. Owls. R. and S. D.
Revolution of 1917: (chronicle of events). - T. 1. - M.; Pg.: 1923. S. 66 - 68.
1917 IN MOSCOW
V. I. Lenin in Chaux-de-fonds (Switzerland) read an essay on the theme of the Paris Commune and the prospects for the development of the Russian revolution (“P. R.”, 1930, 1 (96), 72-77; “Dates of Life” , 185).
In Petrograd, No. 1 of the Central Organ of the Bolsheviks, the Pravda newspaper, came out.
The order of the Bolshevik MK to the workers' deputies was published in No. 1 of Pravda. The order calls on the proletariat to be vigilant in relation to the actions of the bourgeoisie at the head of the government. On the question of the war, the order says: the fratricidal war must be put to an end so that the Russian democratic revolution will serve as a signal for a proletarian revolution in the West (Essays, 46).
Meeting of Vtorov's factory workers. A resolution was adopted demanding an end to the war and the introduction of an eight-hour working day (S.-D. No. 3).
Meeting of the factory workers of the Military Industrial Association. An appeal was adopted to the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on the introduction of an eight-hour working day in factories and factories in Moscow (S-D, No. 1).
Rally of workers and soldiers (8 thousand people) in the Solomonovsky circus. It was decided to welcome the councils of the workers' and soldiers' deputies and to submit entirely to its decision on the question of ending the strike (S.-D., No. 1).
Plenum of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. L. M. Khinchuk was elected chairman of the council instead of A. Nikitin, who was entrusted with the organization of the police and the protection of the city. The issue of ending the strike was discussed. It was decided to end the strike and start working out the economic demands that should be presented to the entrepreneurs on behalf of the working class. It was decided to coordinate this issue with the Petrograd Soviet and, if necessary, resume the strike. The proposal of the Moscow Committee of the Bolsheviks to organize a demonstration of the Moscow proletariat on March 25 (12) was accepted with support for the demands of the council to convene a Constituent Assembly and establish a democratic republic (History of the Proletariat, 1931, 8, 65).
The Council of Soldiers' Deputies began to work. The second meeting of the council was held, which was attended by about 600 people. It was decided to send representatives from the soldiers to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies (Essays, 105; Khron., I, 65).
Commander of the Moscow Military District Regiment. Gruzinov, in opposition to the organized council of soldiers' deputies, convened a united meeting of officers and soldiers of the garrison. Representatives of the executive committee of public organizations of Prince. D. Shakhovskaya, from the military council under the Moscow Committee of Public Organizations D. Genkin, from the council of workers' deputies comrade Obukh and from the council of soldiers' deputies Minyaev. Contrary to the attempts of the officers to introduce the idea of unity between soldiers and officers, the majority adopted a resolution on the need to organize an independent council of soldiers' deputies ("The Way to October", V, 181-182).
Text reproduced from the edition:Akhun M.I. 1917 in Moscow: (Chronicle of the Revolution). - M., 1934. C. 25 - 26.
CHRONICLE OF GREAT DAYS. 1917 IN THE DONBASS
PETROGRAD. The publication of the newspaper Pravda, the organ of the Central Committee and the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP (b), which had not been published since July 8, 1914, was resumed. The newspaper published the Manifesto of the RSDLP (b) "To all citizens of Russia", the minimum party program. The newspaper called on the workers to join the Bolshevik Party in order to protect their class interests, organize fundraising for the iron fund of Pravda and the workers' press.
EKATERINOSLAV. The first legal conference of the Yekaterinoslav organization of the RSDLP (b) was held, in which representatives from the Bolshevik organizations and groups of Donbass, numbering over 500 party members, took part. The conference discussed and adopted detailed decisions on the most important questions of the revolution, and elected a party committee and a professional section.
LUGANSK. At the call of the Bolsheviks, thousands of demonstrations and rallies of workers, soldiers and peasants of nearby villages took place, welcoming the victory of the Petrograd proletariat and demanding the creation of a Soviet of Workers' Deputies. But the local bourgeoisie, with the assistance of the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Compromisers, hastened to form a "public committee" of its supporters, which seized the leadership of the elections to the Lugansk Soviet.
BAKHMUTH. A meeting of 2,000 workers, soldiers, and peasants took place in the People's House, the participants of which unanimously decided, following the example of the workers of Petrograd, to form the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the city of Bakhmut and its environs.
GORLOVKA. Sh. A. Gruzman, authorized by the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), arrived here from Petrograd.
MAKEEVKA. Under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, demonstrations of the workers of the Berestovo-Bogodukhovsky, Grigoryevsky, Gorshkovsky, Ignatievsky and Nikolaevsky mines took place. The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Makeevsky was created mountainous area. Among the 58 (according to other sources - 90) deputies were the Bolsheviks: A. B. Batov, F. G. Ryabtsev, V. M. Bazhanov, V. S. Garekol, I. E. Zhur, G. K. Kozhemyakin, K E. Lavrushin, S. D. Kocherov, G. Ya. Silin, I. I. Pasov. In the Berestovo-Bogodukhovsky, Yasinovsky, Burozovsky and other mine Soviets, which were created somewhat later, the Bolsheviks had the majority of seats.
Text reproduced from the edition: Pershak D.A. Chronicle of great days: Major events from the history of the struggle for the victory of the Great October Revolution, the establishment and strengthening Soviet power in Donbass (February 1917 - January 1918). - Donetsk, 1977. S. 22 - 23.
1917 IN THE CRIMEA
S y mferopol. - A meeting of the Duma's vowels was held together with the governor on the issue of education at Gor. Duma of the City Public Committee composed of representatives of all public institutions of the city.
(Central archive, Ya. O. R. Case of the General Committee; "South. Ved.", No. 52)
Rallies and meetings were held in military units. Resolutions of no confidence were passed at the rallies. garrison Major General Eck and Gen. Radovsky. On behalf of the initiative group of the Council Rab. Dep. these generals were arrested.
(Eastpart: Memoirs of a group of participants in the rev. 1917)
("Ved. Yalta. Gradonach.", No. 100)
Text reproduced from the edition: Revolution in the Crimea (collection of materials for the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution). - No. 1 (7) - Simferopol. 1927. S. 191.
100 years ago, in late February - early March 1917, events took place that in a lightning short time changed the political system of Russia and served as the fuse for a turmoil that surpassed the scale of upheavals that our country experienced and overcame three centuries earlier. These events were named. Destruction Russian state, begun in February 1917, continued for several more years, accompanied by a series of coups d'etat, among which the one that occurred in October 1917 is usually singled out, but the catastrophe began, after all, not in October, but in February.
What exactly happened in those last winter days of 1917? In historiography, a tradition has developed to count the revolution from February 23 (March 8), when protest demonstrations took place in Petrograd against the backdrop of mass strikes, among the participants of which women distinguished themselves with particular violence, outraged by the fact that they had to stand in lines for a long time (“tails”, as they said then) for bread, and many of them did not get this bread: due to snow drifts, transport difficulties arose with the delivery of flour to the capital. On February 24, official information appeared in the newspapers that there was enough bread in Petrograd, that the military commissariat had allocated flour from their stocks for sale, but the unrest did not subside: the demonstrations continued and, under the influence of opposition and radical party agitators, acquired a political orientation - the slogans “Down with autocracy!" and "Down with the war!". The demonstrations, as always, were attended by propagandized workers, and radical students, and professional revolutionaries from different parties. In the capital, even before, despite the fact that there was a war, similar actions were organized, the police, however, managed to cope with the unrest, preventing them from turning into a rebellion, but in the February days of 1917, the police were powerless to restore order in the city. The demonstrators got into a fight with the police and, outnumbering them, beat and maimed them on many occasions. To restore order, several units of the Petrograd garrison were withdrawn from the barracks, but in a number of cases the soldiers refused to obey orders to disperse the violent demonstrators.
When they reported on the dangerous development of events in Petrograd, he adequately assessed the threat and urgently telegraphed the Minister of the Interior A.D. Protopopov and the commander of the capital's military district, General S.S. Khabalov: "I order tomorrow to stop the unrest in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria." From the very beginning of the war to the end of his reign, Saint Tsar Nicholas considered the attainment of victory to be the highest goal, subordinating all other considerations of a political nature to it. Fulfilling the will of the tsar, General Khabalov ordered the commanders of regiments and heads of police stations to arrest the instigators of demonstrations, and in extreme cases, in clashes with violent demonstrators, use firearms. He said then: “When the inscription “Down with the autocracy!” is on the flags! “No bread will calm you down.” Up to a hundred rioters were arrested, and on several occasions police and soldiers opened fire. Among the demonstrators were dozens of dead and wounded. At the same time, however, cases of non-execution by soldiers of the orders of their commanders multiplied. Therefore, arrests were also made in military units, but these arrests did not stop the disobedience of the lower ranks to the orders of the commanders, and in the end the protest moods turned into a military mutiny.
On February 27 (March 12), the Volyn Life Guards Regiment rebelled. This day should be considered the beginning of the revolution, until then its prologue was played out. Timofey Kirpichnikov, a senior non-commissioned officer of the Volynsky regiment, brought a match to the gunpowder, who persuaded the soldiers of his unit not to comply with the order to suppress the riots. One of the participants in the rebellion, Private Konstantin Pazhetnykh, later told in his Memoirs about what happened then in the barracks of the Volynsky regiment:
On February 26, “non-commissioned officer Kirpichnikov read out an order to us: to build a team again tomorrow at 7 o’clock in the morning. At this time, eighteen people from the lower ranks gathered in a dark remote corner of the barracks ... and all eighteen ... decided: tomorrow we will turn everything in our own way! .. On February 27 at 6 o'clock in the morning, a team of 350 people was already built. Kirpichnikov spoke, outlined the general situation and explained how to act and what to do. Almost no campaigning was needed. The propagandized soldiers seemed to be just waiting for this ... At this time, the rattling of spurs was heard in the corridor. The team became alert and froze for a minute. Ensign Kolokolov came in… Commander Lashkevich came in after him. Everyone was worried. Silence reigned. To the greeting “Great, brothers!” “Hurrah” burst out - so we agreed earlier ... Lashkevich turns to non-commissioned officer Markov and angrily asks what this means. Markov, tossing the rifle on his arm, firmly replies: “Hurrah is a signal to disobey your orders!” The butts rattled on the asphalt floor of the barracks, the shutters cracked. "Get out while still intact!" the soldiers shouted...
Having lost hope of subduing the team, Lashkevich and Kolokolov ran out the door. In the corridor they met Ensign Vorontsov-Velyaminov, and all three took to flight. Markov and Orlov quickly opened the window in the window, pointed their rifles, and when the three officers came up to the window, two shots rang out. Lashkevich, like a layer, stretched out at the gate ... The entire detachment under the command of Kirpichnikov went out into the yard ... The arrested were released from the guardhouse. Delegates were immediately sent to the nearest teams with a proposal to join our rebel part.
Non-commissioned officer Kirpichnikov soon became a glorified hero of the victorious revolution. He was promoted to lieutenant. The provisional government honored him as "the first soldier who took up arms against the tsarist system." General L.G. Kornilov personally handed him the George Cross on a red bow. Prince N.D. Zhevakhov wrote about him: “... I have not seen a more vile person. His little ones running around grey eyes, the same as those of Milyukov, with an expression of something predatory, his manner of carrying himself, when, in the fascination with his story, he assumed theatrical poses, his immensely insolent appearance and swagger - all this made an extremely disgusting impression.
Prince Zhevakhov: "The name of the English ambassador Sir Buchanan was definitely mentioned as one of the main leaders of the revolution"
It is not known exactly who nevertheless killed Staff Captain Lashkevich. The emigrant writer Ivan Lukash reported that, according to Kirpichnikov himself, he only ordered Lashkevich to leave the barracks, after which the soldiers “rushed to the windows, and many ... saw that the commander suddenly spread his arms wide and fell face down in the snow in the courtyard of the barracks. He was killed by a well-placed random bullet!” “A well-aimed random bullet” is, of course, a masterpiece of observation. But the murder of an officer could indeed be the work of provocateurs who were not then in the barracks. In any case, provocateurs from outside were involved in the events of those days. As the witness of the events, Prince Zhevakhov, already cited here, wrote, “On February 27 ... trucks appeared, delivering revolutionary proclamations to all parts of the city ... The name of the English ambassador, Sir Buchanan, was definitely called as one of the main leaders of the revolution.”
Well, the instigator of the military rebellion, Kirpichnikov, ended badly. Exalted by the leaders of February, he supported the Provisional Government with a mountain, and when it fell, he tried in vain to persuade the soldiers to come out in his support against the Bolsheviks. In November 1917, Kirpichnikov fled from the Bolsheviks to the Don, where the Volunteer Army was then formed. But by chance or not by chance, he got into the unit commanded by Colonel A.P. Kutepov: in February 1917, he was one of the last officers who carried out the will of the Emperor and participated in countering the rebellious troops of the garrison. Kutepov in his "Memoirs" conveyed the conversation he then had with Kirpichnikov:
“Once a young officer came to my headquarters, who very cheekily told me that he had come to the Volunteer Army to fight the Bolsheviks “for the freedom of the people” ... I asked him where he had been until now and what he had been doing, the officer told me that he had been one of the first "fighters for the freedom of the people" and that in Petrograd he took an active part in the revolution, speaking out as one of the first against the old regime. When the officer wanted to leave, I ordered him to stay and, calling the officer on duty, sent for the outfit. The young officer became agitated, turned pale, and began to ask why I was detaining him. “Now you will see,” I said, and when the squad arrived, I ordered this “freedom fighter” to be shot immediately.”
The body of the shot Kirpichnikov was thrown into a roadside ditch.
Meanwhile, after the assassination of staff captain Lashkevich, the bridges for the rebel soldiers of the Volyn regiment were burned. For what they had done, according to the laws of war, they were to be shot, and they had nothing to lose. When earlier the demonstrators called the soldiers, those who probably sympathized with them, to join, the soldiers refused, reasonably saying: “You will return to your home, and we will be shot.” Now, after the assassination of the staff captain, the Volynians saw one way out for themselves - to incite other regiments of the capital's garrison to revolt. The agitation was successful in the Pavlovsky Life Guards, then in the Lithuanian Guards Regiments and in other units. In most regiments of the Petrograd garrison, the mood was about the same as in the Volynsky regiment.
In Soviet and liberal, Februaryist historiography, there is a banal and false explanation for this fatal circumstance: they say that the soldiers did not want to shoot at their comrades and brothers, because they sympathized with them. But until then, especially during the failed revolution of 1905-1907, soldiers, with rare exceptions, carried out orders to restore order. And in the course of the active army, manifestations of disobedience were rare, front-line soldiers, faithful to the oath, fought with the enemy, as in past wars, shedding blood for the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland. On the other hand, when the country was unleashed Civil War, the people involved in it, for almost three years, how easily shot at their brothers, it seems, without any particular remorse, so that the reason for the military mutiny lay not at all in the imaginary pacifism of the soldiers and not in their imaginary class solidarity with striking St. Petersburg workers.
The fact is that shortly before these events, a true rumor swept through the St. front. Such an exchange caused discontent and indignation among the lower ranks of the Petrograd garrison, whose fate until then was far more gratifying than that of the front-line soldiers. By participating in the rebellion, they earned the glory of the heroes of the revolution, they were honored and glorified by politicians, temporary ministers and generals. When, six months later, the chairman of the Provisional Government, A.F. Kerensky tried because difficult situation at the front, finally send the last reserve - the "heroes" who have taken root in the capital - to the front, these heroes, for the most part, took the side of the party that had long been conducting anti-war propaganda and promised "peace to the peoples." The Petrograd garrison overthrew the Provisional Government and handed power over to the "peacekeepers" - the Bolsheviks.
A few hours after the start of the rebellion, the entire Vyborg side was in the hands of the rebel regiments. Then the rebellious units crossed over the Liteiny Bridge to the left bank of the Neva. General S.S. Khabalov and Minister of War M.A. Belyaev concentrated reliable units in the center of the capital. By their order, a detachment of 1000 officers and soldiers under the command of Colonel of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment A.P. Kutepov was sent to disperse the demonstrators, to the very epicenter of the riot, but the detachment got bogged down in the crowd, which was many times superior to it, with which the armed rebels mingled, and was forced to withdraw.
By noon February 27 most of The city was in the hands of the rebels. Shooting was heard in different parts of the capital. Soldiers killed commanders who tried to keep them from mutiny, hundreds of policemen - policemen fell victims of the lynching on the streets. Some of them were brutally torn to pieces during the "bloodless and great" revolution.
The Tauride Palace was under the control of the rebels, where several dozen deputies of the State Duma, which had been dissolved by the Emperor, hastily arrived. Some of them were filled with anxiety and discouraged, others rejoiced, others obviously did not understand what was happening and what the turbulent course of events would eventually result in. After a short meeting of overexcited politicians, it was decided to form a "Provisional Committee of the State Duma" from the actual composition of deputies belonging to different factions, chaired by M.V. Rodzianko, who headed the dissolved Duma. In the inflamed imagination of the Duma members, representing mainly the Kadet party and the "progressive bloc", a fantastic idea arose that the unrest in Petrograd was caused by the dissolution of the Duma and that these unrest would subside when they were successful, that is, the Duma would resume the session in full strength and force the tsar to agree to a "responsible ministry" - this slogan meant the formation of a government responsible to the Duma, that is, from the deputies of the party or bloc of parties that make up the Duma majority, as is customary among "adults" - in states of mature parliamentarism. The degree of Khlestakov's self-delusion and political blindness, which were the generic features of classical Russian liberalism, revealed in such an original view of the situation, went off scale.
At the same time, on February 27, political figures of the left direction, released from prisons and at large, came to the Tauride Palace, who were joined by Socialist Duma deputies: Mensheviks and Trudoviks. After consulting, they formed the "Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies." This committee sent its agents to the St. Petersburg factories in order to urgently hold elections to the council itself according to the quota: 1 deputy from 1,000 workers. By 7 pm, the hastily elected workers' deputies flocked to the Tauride Palace, which became a kind of headquarters for the revolution. At its first meeting on the evening of February 27, the soviet, which soon after, having included representatives of the rebellious units of the St. Petersburg garrison, became known as the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, elected the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze. Thus, in one palace, two unauthorized institutions formed without permission were established, each of which claimed supreme power, or at least participation in it: the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet.
In the evening of the same day, the Council of Ministers, headed by its chairman, Prince N.D., met in the Mariinsky Palace. Golitsyn. The ministers, overwhelmed by what was happening, were not in a position to take decisions that would have reversed the fateful course of events. They had an illusory hope that the resignation of the Minister of the Interior A.D. could help the cause. Protopopov, who was an odious figure in the eyes of the Opposition Duma members, was considered by them a renegade, because he himself had belonged to the Kadets, but about whom the rebellious soldiers hardly had a clear idea at all. The sovereign, who was informed of the order to Protopopov “to surrender the post due to illness to the senior comrade of the minister,” that is, to his deputy, replied with a telegram to Prince N.D. Golitsyn: "Changes in personnel under the circumstances I consider unacceptable." In this hasty resignation, he saw a useless humiliating gesture towards the opposition, demonstrating weakness when the rebellion had to be opposed by the will to suppress it.
The day before, on February 26, the previously scheduled meeting of the Holy Synod took place. In the absence of Chief Prosecutor N.P. Raev's government was represented by his comrade (deputy) Prince N.D. Zhevakhov. Before the meeting, Zhevakhov, in his own words, proposed to the leading member of the Synod, the Metropolitan Kiev Vladimir“to issue an appeal to the population so that it would not only be read in the churches, but also pasted on the streets” It was supposed to become “a formidable warning to the Church, entailing church punishment in case of disobedience.” Hieromartyr Vladimir, as Prince N.D. Zhevakhov, said in response: “This is always the case. When we are not needed, then we are not noticed; and in times of danger, we are the first to be called upon for help.”
The proposal of the comrade chief prosecutor was not accepted because it was not made formally, before the start of the synodal meeting, besides, the chief prosecutor, and even more so his assistants, did not constitute an independent authority - they represented the Emperor in the Synod, from which such an initiative did not came out. In addition, speaking about this on the merits, one cannot help but admit that such an appeal could not have an immediate effect, and events developed rapidly: among the participants in political demonstrations and a military mutiny, only in exceptional cases could there be people who were ready to listen to the voice of the hierarchy, a significant majority the rebels would not have noticed the synodal proclamation, and if they did, they would have ignored it.
The assertion that the episcopate allegedly consciously wanted a change in the political system is unfounded
The next day, the chief prosecutor himself addressed the Synod with a similar request, but he did it on his own initiative, and not at the direction of the Sovereign, that is, he acted at his own peril and risk. Therefore, such an appeal, which would not have had the expected effect, but would undoubtedly complicate the position of the Church in the conditions that had developed under the Provisional Government, was not published. On this occasion, one of the contemporary publicists makes, to put it mildly, unfounded conclusions that the episcopate allegedly consciously sought to change the state system, to abolish the autocracy. This exotic version radically diverges from everything that is known to us from letters, memoirs and other documents of the era, with indisputable evidence of the anxiety experienced by the bishops in those terrible February and March days of the collapse of the Orthodox empire and in the months and years that followed them. . The historian mentioned here refers to the passage quoted from Prince Zhevakhov's Memoirs, but Zhevakhov himself was far from such invectives, or, better, insinuations. In his own words, Metropolitan Vladimir did not comply with his request because, “like many others, he did not realize what was really happening, and his answer was not a refusal of the highest church hierarchy to help the state at a time of danger, but the very an ordinary manifestation of the opposition of the Synod to the Chief Procurator. However, the assumption of Prince Zhevakhov that the Holy Martyr Vladimir underestimated the dangers of the current situation does not seem to be justified.
On the evening of February 27, troops loyal to the tsar were gathered on Palace Square, but the emperor's brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, asked generals M.A. Belyaeva, S.S. Khabalova and M.I. Zankevich, appointed commander of these military units, to take them in the direction of the Admiralty in order to prevent shelling, which could have damaged the Winter Palace and the Hermitage collections. The troops were redeployed to the Admiralty building, and on the morning of February 28, the Minister of Marine, Admiral I.K. Grigorovich asked General Zankevich not to put the Admiralty at risk of shelling, where valuable shipbuilding drawings were stored, after which the officers and soldiers, who remained faithful to the end, about 1.5 thousand in number, were disbanded and dispersed. From that moment on, all of Petrograd was in the hands of the rebels. Arrests of ministers and other high-ranking dignitaries began, extrajudicial reprisals against policemen continued.
The capital of the empire was lost, but the country, with the exception of a few cities, was not yet involved in the rebellion. The active army remained in obedience to the Emperor and the commanders appointed by him. The Headquarters and the headquarters of the fronts and armies became the epicenter of events. From now on, the further course and outcome of the rebellion depended on the loyalty of the generals to the oath.
Context
Fateful for Russian Empire week: newspapers welcome the overthrow of Nicholas II, admire A.F. Kerensky and believe in the imminent beautiful future of the country.
The former cabinet of ministers was arrested, the provisional government announces a broad amnesty, including for terrorists, coats of arms are burned in Moscow and Petrograd, busts of members of the Romanov family are smashed or boarded up at railway stations ...
The press did not immediately report on the revolution: in Moscow, the censorship authorities tried to persuade the newspapers to temporarily keep silent about the events, and in protest they came out with blank pages, and in Petrograd, not all the media had time to follow the development of events. In this regard, the chronology of news and the dates of their description in the press do not always coincide.
Discovery of new speculation.
In recent days, attention has been drawn in financial circles to the bond speculation of the recently implemented, government-guaranteed railroad loan. From the lists of subscribers for the railway loan available to the syndicate of private commercial banks, it turned out that most of them belonged to the financial and exchange world of Moscow and Petrograd, and, thus, the general population had almost no opportunity to take part in the subscription to the loan.
Further, it also turned out that some large clients of commercial banks and exchange figures close to certain credit institutions simultaneously signed up for large sums in several banks, taking into account in advance the possibility of an increase in the price of new bonds after the official issue was completed. As a result of such a clever speculative fraud, individuals who wished to place their savings in railroad loan bonds were forced to purchase them second-hand, but, of course, at a much higher price, that is, 74.25 - 74.5 rubles. Meanwhile, the issue rate of railway bonds was 73.75 rubles. This difference in exchange rate has enabled stock speculators to make huge profits in a few hours.
In Moscow, the names of insignificant stockbrokers are being named, who have made a tidy capital on railway bonds. The new speculative stunt was immediately reported to the credit office, which investigated the report. As a result, all the data on this matter were confirmed, and the credit office, “considering these speculative phenomena undesirable and unacceptable by way of supervision,” suggested that the syndicate of private commercial banks take appropriate measures to prevent further such speculative combinations. Moscow banks and branches of Petrograd banks have been notified of this. In relevant circles, it is pointed out that such an order from the credit office to banks confirms the general view that some of the banks are definitely engaged in stock exchange speculation.
(evening newspaper Time)
From crime to crime.
The juvenile court does not know what to do with boys who, wandering without work and a prize, are caught with petty theft and other minor crimes. Judges often recognize the misdemeanor committed by the "accused" as so little threat to public safety, and consider that such criminals not only should not be sent to prison, but even a shelter for juvenile delinquents is a heavy and unfair punishment.
And to set him free in the winter, half-dressed, with frostbitten ears, means subjecting him to new wanderings around teahouses and train stations, forcing him to commit a new crime, more serious than for which he was brought. The judges appealed to the city government with a petition to arrange a hostel for such boys at the court, so that they could find temporary shelter in this hostel until they find employment, and not move from crime to crime. City government agreed to arrange such a hostel for 40 boys and began preparatory work.
(newspaper Kopeyka)
Joining officers.
One of the most important successes of the revolution on this day was the joining of the officers to the insurgent troops.
If on the first day of the uprising of officers among the soldiers, with a few exceptions, it was not visible, then on the second day this gap was brilliantly filled. Not only individual officers, but the entire officer corps of a number of regiments joined the revolutionary movement and, at the head of their military units, with victoriously developing red banners, moved in the morning to the Tauride Palace. There were lieutenants, colonels, generals. The junkers also joined, arriving in order in the State. Duma to receive guidance and directives from the provisional government.
Surrender of the Peter and Paul Fortress.
Meanwhile, on the streets of Petrograd, events went on as usual, bringing more and more victories to the revolutionary movement.
The rebellious soldiers and people moved the day before to the Peter and Paul Fortress and laid siege to it, deciding to take it at all costs.
Fortunately, unnecessary bloodshed was avoided, since the commandant of the Peter and Paul Fortress invited a member of the State Administration for negotiations. Duma V.V. Shulgin and told him that the troops of the fortress were on the side of the people.
The gates were immediately opened and the revolutionary units entered the fortress to release the political prisoners who were sitting there.
Arrest of Metropolitan Pitirim.
Among others, Metropolitan Pitirim was arrested as a zealous servant of the old regime and extreme reaction.
He, too, was accompanied by indignant exclamations:
You helped the enemies of the people!
When Pitirim was introduced to the State. I think he was pale and utterly confused. On the same day, however, the temporary committee decided to release the metropolitan, but he himself asked to remain in the Duma until the morning, fearing the violence of the angry people.
The next day, under the protection of the cordon, Metropolitan Pitirim was taken to his house.
"Knights of the Attics".
In impotent rage against the insurgent people, handfuls of policemen, gendarmes and other servants loyal to the old government, dressed in civilian and even student clothes, climbed into the attics and roofs of some houses, from where at times they opened fire on the people from machine guns and revolvers.
The soldiers searched the houses from which they fired, and took out a lot of these "knights of the attics", some of them were killed, and others were taken to Gos. Duma.
Catching "pharaohs", as the people call the police, went on day and night.
A relatively small number of soldiers and citizens suffered from shooting from attics and roofs.
Occupation of the Tsarskoye Selo Palace by soldiers.
In view of the complete uprising in Tsarskoye Selo, Pavlovsk, Kronstadt and Oranienburg, the commandant of the Tsarskoye Selo palace called in the morning the chairman of the Executive Committee of the State. Thoughts, M. V. Rodzianko conveyed that the empress asked to speak with her.
Soldiers entered the Tsarskoye Selo Palace.
Arrest of two more ministers and others.
The list of arrested ministers and other prominent figures of the old regime grew every hour. Every now and then, to the Tauride Palace, under the menacing cries of thousands of people, they brought arrested people in cars and even trucks.
In the evening, Minister of Justice Dobrovolsky was brought in. And then the Minister of Railways Krieger-Voinovsky.
The following details are given about Dobrovolsky's arrest.
As soon as the Minister of Justice saw that events were taking a bad turn for the autocracy, he, fearing for his life, sat down in the Italian embassy. Dobrovolsky spent the whole day of February 27 there. And the next day he telephoned to the Chairman of the State. Duma Rodzianko with a statement that he was ready to put himself at the disposal of the Executive Committee of the State. Duma.
At 9 pm, Minister of Justice Dobrovolsky, under escort, was taken to the premises of the Tauride Palace and placed in the ministerial pavilion along with the rest of the prisoners.
Then the former Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin, former Minister of Internal Affairs. cases N.A. Maklakov, beaten by the crowd very badly.
Former director of the police department, former Moscow mayor Gen. Klimovich.
Chairman of the Union of the Russian people Dubrovin. His archive was taken from him, which probably contains many interesting and incriminating documents.
Assistant to the Petrograd mayor Gen.-leit. Wendorf. Assistant to the Petrograd mayor Lysogorsky and all the class officials of the city administration.
How did the popular movement begin?
The history of the present moment will probably convey many versions of the immediate circumstances that gave impetus to the current popular movement that ended the old system.
Probably, in the future, historical journals will be filled with memoirs, notes and materials covering this, perhaps, the most important moment in Russian history.
Here is one of the versions that was handed over to us from Petrograd.
The officers of one of the Petrograd guards regiments received documentary evidence that, through the persons surrounding Empress Alexandra Fedorovna, negotiations were being held with the German headquarters on the retreat of our troops from Riga.
This data has been communicated to a member State Council A.I. Guchkov, who handed them over to the Chairman of the State. Duma Rodzianko for announcement from the rostrum of the State. Duma.
But M.V. Rodzianko did not dare to announce these data from the rostrum and reported them by telegram to headquarters. In response to this, a decree was received on the dissolution of the State Duma, and the sovereign left the army.
When this circumstance became known to the army of the Petrograd garrison, the troops quickly joined the people.
It is difficult to say how reliable this version is, but the very fact that it is circulating indicates the mood in society.
(evening newspaper Time)
Clashes near the Butyrka prison.
Information has now been received about a provocation that took place in Butyrskaya prison during the release of prisoners.
The former police chief who commanded the detachment arrested and disarmed the warrant officer, who released the political prisoners and seized the archive of political cases.
After presenting a certificate issued by the main headquarters, the colonel arrested ensign Leskovich, who nevertheless managed to get in touch with our headquarters by telephone.
At this time, the colonel again armed the warden of the prison. Leskovich said that he refused to carry out his orders, because he knew that he was not authorized by the Duma headquarters. In response, Colonel Kashchenko fired. The wounded man was taken in a car to the City Council and from there to the hospital.
Arrests.
Tonight, to the apartment of the head of the office of the Moscow mayor I.K. Duropa was the representatives of the people's authorities and arrested him. Other ranks of the mayor's office, living in the house of the mayor's office, managed to leave earlier.
Today, the managing director of the "Telegraph Agency" and a member of the Council of the Minister of Internal Affairs were arrested in Petrograd. del I.Ya. Gurland, former right hand Stürmer.
Police ambush.
Throughout the night of today, armed patrols went around the houses, which were supposed to be policemen hidden in ambush, and searched. They entered the apartments and examined all the apartments. In those apartments where family members belong to the army, they asked whether the officer living here joined the people or not, and, having received an affirmative answer, politely bowed and left.
In a court.
Yesterday, March 1, classes resumed at the usual time in the building of the Kremlin courts. It was possible to enter the court only through the Trinity Gate.
The defendants and witnesses presented subpoenas to the patrol, the rest of the persons, officials of the judicial department and sworn attorneys did not present any documents, referring to the court watchman who was standing next to the patrol.
Cases without a jury were held in in perfect order. In the same cases where the defendants were arrested, the cases did not have to be heard, since the prison department did not deliver the prisoners. These cases have been put on hold.
This morning in the building of judicial establishments, classes resumed in the usual manner. Until 1 p.m., the prosecutor of the judicial chamber N.N. Chebyshev did not receive any news or orders from Petrograd from the new government. Court hearings continue. The jurors sat in their usual lineup.
About the role of I.G. Shcheglovitova.
Our employee talked yesterday with a sworn attorney N.V. Teslenko on the role of the former Minister of Justice I.G. Shcheglovitov in the history of Russian justice.
N.V. Teslenko said:
The role of Shcheglovitov is truly terrible: he can justly be called an abolitionist of justice. He planted servility in the court, fought against the independence of judges, tried to turn the court into a weapon of political reprisal against parties that were objectionable to him. Unfortunately, his influence on the court lasted for about 9 years, so his work undoubtedly left a deep impression. It is to be hoped that our court will restore the situation outlined by the great judicial statutes.
The role of the second Minister of Justice Dobrovolsky has not yet been fully clarified. So far, he was charting his path along the lines of Shcheglovitov, declaring that the court should obey political considerations, but he did not have time to do anything in this direction, therefore this question had to be left open.
(evening newspaper Time)
Abdication from the throne.
While making up the issue, we received an urgent message that the abdication of the throne of the sovereign took place in favor of the heir to the Tsarevich, who, in turn, refused in favor of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich also refused in favor of the people.
(evening newspaper Time)
Arrest N.A. Maklakov.
On March 1, at the beginning of ten o'clock in the evening, under heavy escort, the former Minister of Internal Affairs N.A. Maklakov. The former minister was brought to the Duma with a bandaged head. In the reception room where he was introduced, N.A. Maklakov sank heavily into a chair, looking around wildly, as if looking for something with his eyes.
What are you looking for, what do you need? - asked N.A. Maklakov.
Oh, if they gave me a revolver, I would shoot myself, - answered N.A. Maklakov.
He was taken to the ministerial pavilion.
The arrest of Sukhomlinov.
March 1, at 10 a.m. 30 minutes. In the evening, under a strong escort, the former Minister of War Sukhomlinov was brought to the State Duma. The news of the arrival of Sukhomlinov instantly spread throughout the Duma and caused incredible excitement among the soldier masses. With difficulty, barely restraining the indignation of the soldiers, they brought the former Minister of War to the reception room. Some time later, a delegate from the Preobrazhensky Regiment came here and, in the presence of everyone, tore off the general's epaulettes from Sukhomlinov. In view of the existing serious fear of the possibility of lynching, A.F. came out to the excited soldiers. Kerensky and said approximately the following:
Former Minister of War Sukhomlinov is under arrest. He is under the protection of the Duma Committee, and if, carried away by legitimate hatred of Sukhomlinov, you allow yourself to use any kind of violence against him and prevent him from escaping legal punishment, then we will counteract this even at the cost of life. Soldiers, disperse now to your places.
After this speech, the soldiers formed two chains, between which, to the indignant cries of the soldiers, Sukhomlinov was led under a strong escort to the ministerial pavilion.
The conclusion of dignitaries in the Peter and Paul Fortress.
On the night of March 2, all the arrested dignitaries who were in the Tauride Palace were transported under heavy guard to the Peter and Paul Fortress. The ministerial pavilion of the Tauride Palace is completely unsuitable for containing such a large number of people.
March 2 I.G. Shcheglovitov, brought to the Tauride Palace without a fur coat, went to the fortress in a soldier's overcoat.
When the former Minister of War Gen. Belyaev was asked to leave the ministerial pavilion, he remarked:
I don't understand why. I was a minister of war for a short time and did not commit any crime.
HELL. Protopopov kept trying to find out what they would do with him.
B.V. showed particular concern. Stürmer:
Who can guarantee that they won't take my head off me?
The following persons were taken away from the ministerial pavilion: Gen. Sukhomlinov, Gen. Belyaev, Gen. Kurlov, Prince. N.D. Golitsyn, N.A. Maklakov, P.G. Shcheglovitov, P.L. Goremykin, A.L. Makarov, A.D. Protopopov and the former commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, Gen. Khabalov.
The rest of the prisoners for the time being, before being transferred to the fortress, were left in the ministerial pavilion.
How we were choked.
Outside the window - enthusiastic crowds of people. In the editorial office - feverish work on compiling the current issue of the newspaper, so suddenly freed from the clutches of secret and overt censorship. And in front of me on the table is a pack of crumpled sheets. A gloomy memory of the irretrievably past:
Circulars of the censorship committee.
An extensive collection that delivered many desperate and cruel minutes to newspaper workers in its time. Until now, the general public knew about the existence of censorship only from the white stamps on the newspaper pages and the annoying reticence of the newspaper material. The real oppression of censorship was experienced on our long-suffering shoulders only by us - press workers. Especially unbearable was its severity in recent months.
Newspaper editorial offices were literally bombarded with censorship regulations. Suffice it to say that in the six months before the revolution, 84 of them were produced.
Today it was forbidden to write about the disorder of transport. Tomorrow - about Protopopov and Rasputin. The day after tomorrow is about food and bread riots. The speeches of deputies, resolutions of public organizations, resolutions of city self-governments, etc., were completely blacked out. The press was literally suffocated in the senseless grip of censorship, which, skillfully led by the government, led the press to complete silence.
As the height of censorship "perfection" one can point to one of the latest circulars, in which it was forbidden to write freely absolutely about everything except the theater, the stock exchange and sports. The rest of the material had to go to the censors for review. And, of course, thoroughly washed out.
Could the Russian press fulfill its duty in all its fullness under such conditions? She was systematically strangled with circulars, telephone warnings, fines, confiscations, and threats to "completely shut down the newspaper."
She was persuaded to “change her tone”, to be “calmer” in those days when all of Russia trembled in the desire to throw off the shameful oppression of treacherous power. When the solemn truth about the events in Petrograd reached Moscow, the representatives of the Moscow press were summoned to the censorship and asked them to print a number of "soothing" articles, in other words, they were asked to deceive their readers.
The Moscow press did not go for it. The next day the newspapers did not appear at all. This was the best call to popular indignation.
The revolutionary hurricane tousled and destroyed the old scarecrow of censorship. Russian printed word By countless ordeals, he has earned the right to a free existence. And now it will use this right with pleasure within the limits of reason and order. And let these sheets of censorship instructions remain a painful memory of the darkest era in the existence of the Russian newspaper.
(newspaper Kopeyka)
judgment these days.
Some are quick to wonder how judges now deal with the pronunciation of the established formula. “By decree of His Imperial Majesty,” the court ruled ... In other cases, this “instruction” is already omitted by the judges, although in general the court, as a strictly formal institution operating within the limits of pre-established laws, should hardly hesitate in this case - until a direct decree is received on this about the new government.
(newspaper Kopeyka)
The destruction of the detective department.
The gathered huge crowd destroyed the premises of the detective department. All documents were destroyed, the premises were completely destroyed. In this case, popular anger was caused by hatred in general for the police that had long tormented him. The detective department, as an institution protecting the safety of citizens from criminals, will function even with the renewed system of power. According to rumors, the arrested head of the detective department has now been released and he has been asked to take up his duties.
MANIFESTO on the abdication of Nicholas II.
“By the grace of God, We, Nicholas II, the Emperor of All Russia, the Tsar of Poland, the Grand Duke of Finland, and so on and so forth. Announces to all our loyal subjects:
In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who has been striving for almost three years to enslave Our homeland, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the entire future of our dear fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end, by all means. The cruel enemy is exerting his last strength, and the hour is near when Our valiant army, together with Our glorious allies, will be able to finally break the enemy.
In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for Our people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory, and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as good to abdicate the Throne of the Russian State and lay down the Supreme Power.
Not wanting to part with Our beloved Son, we pass on Our heritage to Our brother, Our Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, blessing Him to ascend the Throne of the Russian State, we command Our Brother to govern state affairs in full and unbreakable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on those principles, which will be established by them, bringing an inviolable oath to that, in the name of their beloved homeland.
We call on all the faithful sons of the fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obedience to the Tsar in a difficult moment of national trials and to help Him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state to the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia.
On the original His Imperial Majesty's own hand signed "NICHOLAS".
City of Pskov.
The Minister of the Imperial Court, Adjutant General Count Frederiks, sealed it.
Tasks of the new government
In its present activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following principles:
1) Full immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings, agrarian crimes, etc.
2) Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings, strikes, with the extension of political freedom to military personnel in enterprises, permissible by military technical conditions.
3) Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4) Immediate preparations for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.
5) Replacing the police with the people's militia, with elected leaders subordinate to local governments.
6) Elections to local self-government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage.
7) Non-disarmament and non-export from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.
8) While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks, while performing military service, the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions on the use of public rights granted to all other citizens.
The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.
Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko. Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince Lvov and ministers: Milyukov, Nekrasov, Konovalov, Manuilov, Tereshchenko, V. Lvov, Shingarev, Kerensky.
What did Kerensky say?
Amnesty. Comrades, soldiers and citizens! I, a member of the State Duma A.F. Kerensky, Minister of Justice. (Stormy applause and solemn cries of "Hurrah!"). I announce publicly that the new provisional government has entered into the performance of its duties in agreement with the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The agreement concluded between the executive committee of the State Duma and the executive committee of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was approved by the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies by a majority of several hundred votes to 15. (Stormy prolonged applause and exclamations of "Bravo!"). The first act of the new government is the immediate publication of an act of full amnesty. Our comrade deputies of the 2nd and 4th Dumas, illegally exiled to the tundras of Siberia, will be immediately released and brought here with special respect.
Comrades! I have at my disposal all the former chairmen of the council of ministers and all the ministers of the old regime. They will answer for crimes before the people according to the law. (Exclamations from the crowd: "Mercilessly!").
There will be judgment. Comrades! Free Russia will not resort to those shameful means of struggle that the old government used. Without a trial, no one will be punished. Comrades, soldiers and citizens! All measures to be taken by the new government will be published. Soldiers! Please help us. A free Russia has been born, and no one will succeed in wresting freedom from the hands of the people. Do not heed the calls coming from the agents of the old power. Listen to your officers. Long live free Russia! (Stormy applause and cheers.)
Important message. On March 2, during the discussion by the council of workers' deputies of issues related to the organization of the provisional government, A.F. Kerensky and asked for the floor for an extraordinary statement. Sitting on the table, Kerensky delivered the following speech:
Comrades, I must send you a message of the utmost importance. Comrades, do you trust me? (Exclamations: "We trust!"). At the moment, a provisional government has been formed, in which I took the post of Minister of Justice. (Stormy applause, exclamations: "Bravo!"). Comrades, I had to answer within 5 minutes and therefore I was not in a position to receive your mandate until my decision to join the provisional government was made.
In safe hands. Comrades, in my hands were the representatives of the old power, and I did not dare to let them out of my hands (Stormy applause and exclamations: "That's right!"). I accepted the offer made to me and became a member of the interim government as Minister of Justice (New burst of applause). Immediately upon assuming the post of minister, I ordered the release of all political prisoners and, with special honors, conveyed from Siberia here to us, our fellow deputies, members of the Social-Democrats. factions of the 4th Duma and deputies of the 2nd Duma. (Stormy applause, turning into an ovation.) All political prisoners are released, not excluding terrorists.
Future build. I took up the post of Minister of Justice to convene the Constituent Assembly, which will, expressing the will of the people, establish the future state system. (Stormy applause.) Until that moment, full freedom of propaganda and agitation about the form of the future state structure of Russia, not excluding the republic, will be guaranteed. (Stormy applause.) In view of the fact, comrades, that I assumed the duties of the Minister of Justice before I received your authority to do so, I resign my title of Comrade Chairman of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. But for me, life without the people is unthinkable, and I am again ready to accept this title from you, if you recognize it as necessary. (“Please, please!”).
I am a Republican. Comrades, having joined the provisional government, I remained what I was - a republican. (Loud applause.) In my work, I must rely on the will of the people. I must have powerful support in him. Can I trust you as myself? (Stormy applause. Exclamations: We believe, we believe!). Comrades, I cannot live without the people, and the moment you doubt me, kill me. (New burst of applause). I declare to the provisional government that I am a representative of democracy, that the provisional government should take special account of the opinions that I will defend as a representative of the people, through whose efforts the old government was overthrown. (Applause. Shouts: "Long live the Minister of Justice!").
Time does not wait. Comrades, time is running out. I call you to organization, discipline. I ask you to support us, your representatives, who are ready to die in the name of the interests of the people and who gave their whole life to it. I trust that you will not condemn me and will give me the opportunity to implement all the necessary guarantees of freedom before the convocation of the constituent assembly (Applause). Comrades, allow me to return to the provisional government and announce to it that I am a member with your consent, as your representative. (Stormy applause, turning into an ovation. Shouts: “Long live Kerensky!” Everyone gets up from their seats, picks up A.F. Kerensky and carries him from the hall of the general meeting of the council of workers’ deputies to the office of the executive committee).
(newspaper Kopeyka)
How did the renunciation happen?
Two members of the State Duma arrived in Pskov.
In the presence of General Ruzsky, c. Frederiks and Naryshkin at a small table, members of the State Duma told the tsar everything that had happened in Petrograd in recent days, and advised him not to send echelons from the fronts, as it was pointless - all troops coming to Petrograd immediately join the rebels.
I have already given the order for the echelons to return,” said the king.
What should I do?
Abdicate in favor of your son Alexei, - followed the answer.
It would be very difficult for me to leave my son. I will abdicate in favor of my brother Michael. I will sign the abdication for myself and for my son, but let Michael, accepting the crown, swear allegiance to the constitution.
After that, the act of renunciation was handed over to the king. The king, signing his renunciation, seemed completely calm in appearance. It looked like he was signing some ordinary paper.
Rasputin and the yard.
It is known in Moscow that after Rasputin began to play a role at court, relations between Elizaveta Feodorovna and her sister Alexandra Feodorovna completely deteriorated.
Elizaveta Feodorovna repeatedly went to Tsarskoye Selo, pointing out to Nicholas II and her sister the pernicious influence of Rasputin on the court, but it was all in vain.
The meetings between Alexandra Feodorovna and Elizaveta Feodorovna became colder each time. After the well-known letter from Vasilchikova to Alexandra Feodorovna, Elizaveta Feodorovna once again made an attempt to go to Tsarskoye Selo. She was not accepted there. She was not even left at court.
Elizaveta Fedorovna was supposed to return with the very first train to Moscow. She was so upset that she changed her route and went to one of the monasteries in Kaluga province. And there she spent several days in prayers and tears.
The elderly Count S.D. Sheremetiev was a close friend of the late Emperor Alexander III. In the posthumous instruction left by Alexander III to his son, Alexander III strongly recommended that his son have the closest adviser to Count S.D. Sheremetev. And, indeed, in the early days of the reign of Nicholas II, Count S.D. Sheremetyev had big influence on the king.
After Rasputin became close to the royal family, relations between Nicholas II and Count Sheremetyev deteriorated. On his last visit to Tsarskoye Selo, during a conversation between Count Sheremetyev and the Tsar, when he was especially merciful to Sheremetyev, the latter said to him:
You, sir, have given me the right to tell you the truth. For a long time I have been looking for an opportunity to pour out to you what was seething in my chest. Sovereign, listen to my advice, remove Rasputin. No one undermines the prestige of the throne, no one undermines the throne like this dirty man. For the honor of the dynasty and the prestige of the throne, remove him. All sorts of bad rumors are circulating among the people.
The king, who was sitting at that time with a glass of wine, turned pale, angrily struck his hand on the table:
Don't touch my family! The presence of Rasputin at court is my personal family business.
Since then, Count Sheremetiev has never been at court.
(evening newspaper Time)
Be careful!.. (Appeal of the priest to the people).
Citizens, do not trust any rumors and treat them with great caution, because they can lead you along a false path that is harmful to the fatherland. Remember that the clergy has always been with the people and walked along with them, and it is far from being able to go against the real popular movement, which sincerely welcomes and only wishes and prays to God for the fastest establishment in the country of peace and tranquility, silence and unity, which is necessary especially now final victory over the enemy.
Long live the renewed great Russia and let all her external and internal enemies be scattered! Member of the State Duma Archpriest Adrianovsky.
(newspaper Kopeyka)
Great sobriety
Sober, without vodka, Russia greeted the red days of the great revolution and carried the old order to its historical grave. Millions of mouths blessed the sobriety of the people these days. The absence of vodka was a great happiness for the people and the same misfortune for the servants and servants of the old order. Vodka could have clouded the consciousness of thousands of people, carried them away in the direction of robbery and violence, introduced the beginning of disintegration and enmity into a wonderful single movement.
What a great happiness it is that the Russian people met the birth of their freedom and the funeral of their political enslavement sober, with a clear consciousness, with a strong will. Sober heads cannot be carried away by the temptations of debacles and pogroms, arbitrariness and violence, on which it is so easy to seduce intoxicated people. A sober people knows that they are strong until their unity is broken, until all for one and one for all, until the green serpent takes possession of them, which will lead them on the path of violence, robbery and arbitrariness.
And this clear, beautiful sobriety must be sacredly preserved by the Russian soldier, the Russian worker, the Russian peasant, if he does not want the enemy to gather his strength again and take away what he has won with such labor and with such sacrifices.
But it is not only vodka that intoxicates people, it is not alone that darkens the consciousness and leads astray from the true path of organization and unity. People get drunk with words bright phrases screaming calls. There is an alcoholism of phrases, intoxication with words. And here the great sobriety of the people is needed. In these days, when the dawn of a new free Russian life has dawned, may the revolutionary people keep a clear head, a firm will, a keen eye. Let neither vodka intoxicate him, nor heady phrases calling for enmity, raising one against the other, which now come from the lips of people who sow confusion. Remember that always and everywhere the enemies of the people relied on the rule - divide and rule. And lest they rule again, do not allow yourself to divide and divide. Be one. Do not get drunk with phrases that sow discord and confusion. Keep your heads sober.
(modern word)
Emblem bonfires.
Almost all the trading firms that were suppliers of His Majesty's court hastened to remove coats of arms and eagles from their signboards. Many such coats of arms were thrown into the Fontanka, Moika, Yekaterinovka, etc. At the Anichkov Palace, people warmed themselves around a fire made of eagles that adorned the sign of the Weiss shoe shop.
Destruction of busts.
At some stations, as is known, busts of dynasties were placed. On March 3, a bust of Nicholas II and a large coat of arms (arshin 4-5) were broken at the Tsarskoselsky railway station, and the bust of Nicholas I was wrapped in paper. The boards with the corresponding inscriptions are also sealed with paper.
Termination of the Rasputin murder case.
Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky gave the order to stop the proceedings on the murder of Rasputin.
At the same time, the minister notified Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich and Prince Yusupov gr. Sumarokova-Elston, that they can come to Petrograd without hindrance.
(Petrograd newspaper)
Prepared by Evgeny Novikov
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